Friday, May 17, 2024

What’s in a Name? Revitalization of Taiwanese and the Misconceptions that Hinder it

 

Presented by Seng-hian Lau (National Taiwan Normal University) in the International Symposium on Research and Teaching of Endangered and Marginalized Languages in East and Southeast Asia. May 3 - 4, 2024, at UCLA.



The name of this language is a subject of dispute. In the movie Spirited Away (千と千尋の神隠し), the concept of "names" permeates the entire film, representing one's sense of self.

In magical contracts, surrendering one's name signifies relinquishing one's identity, erasing memories, and essentially ceding control over one's life. This is precisely what happened to the name of the language I am discussing now. Either under Japanese rule or after World War II, the results of different language surveys show that Taiwanese has been the lingua franca in Taiwan.

As seen in the 1915 survey, Taiwanese speakers comprised the majority of the population, and the language was spoken among different ethnic groups.[1]

 


Even after this island was handed over to the KMT government following World War II, despite decades of severe language suppression under the Mandarin Only Policy,  The 2003 survey further demonstrates that Taiwanese remained the lingua franca.[2]

 


Interestingly, few people are aware that the first newspaper published on the island was in Taiwanese.[3]


Naming a language after the place where it is spoken as the lingua franca is a common practice worldwide. For example, according to the Chinese government's claim in 2005, there are 56 ethnic groups in China.[4] In addition to the languages of these minority groups, the largest ethnic group, the Han people, also speak various Sinitic languages, including Hakka, Shanghainese, and Cantonese, among others. However, nobody disputes what the term "Chinese" refers to. When someone says, "I'm learning Chinese," you wouldn't ask them which specific Chinese language they are learning. Are they learning the Zhuang language spoken by the Zhuang people in Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region in Southern China or Hakka spoken by people in Southeastern China? Interestingly, there are individuals in Taiwan who intentionally argue about the designation of the language name "Taiwanese."

Anyway, it's hypocritical to refer to Taiwanese as Southern Min but feel comfortable calling the language I'm currently speaking as English instead of labeling it as Anglo-Saxon, isn't it?

Apart from survey results, the name 'Taiwanese' can also be found in historical literature and documents. For instance, in the year when Taiwan was handed over to the Japanese Empire by the Qing Empire, several Japanese individuals had already published books introducing the lingua franca of this island. These books include "Taiwango syu" (台灣語集) by Yuzuno Yasukazu (俁野保和), "Taiwan Dogo" (台灣土語) by Sano Naoki (佐野直記), and "Taiwango" (台灣語) by Tanai Yaokuman (田內八百久万). All of these books refer to the language as Taiwanese. In 1931, the Government-General of Taiwan published a dictionary called "Tai-ni Taijiden" (臺日大辭典). The title of the dictionary literally means Taiwanese-Japanese Comprehensive Dictionary, and its lexical items only include those of the island's lingua franca, which is the focus of this discussion. After World War II, the KMT government assumed control over Taiwan. Despite their efforts to eradicate all local languages and replace them with Mandarin Chinese, they were well aware of the language referred to as "Taiwanese." The KMT government also published books titled with the Mandarin term "Taiyu," which means Taiwanese.

 


The KMT government was well aware that appropriating the name of this language was crucial to their intent of suppressing it, as depicted in the movie "Spirited Away." In their efforts to destroy Taiwanese identity and assimilate Taiwan, the KMT government renamed the language as "Southern Min" or "Min Nan language" This renaming was exemplified in a newspaper article published on October 27, 1967 on the Economic Daily News. The article, titled "Announcement to Correct the Common Usage of 'Taiwanese' to 'Min Nan Language,' " stated the following:

The relevant authorities hereby announce that the commonly used terms 'Taiwanese' and 'Taiwanese language' should be corrected to 'Southern Min' and 'Min Nan language.' The authorities point out that the majority of Taiwan's residents come from the Fujian and Guangdong regions of China, and the languages they speak are Southern Min and Hakka. However, it is unclear when or why the general public and various media outlets began using the terms 'Taiwanese' and 'Taiwanese language' instead of 'Southern Min' or 'Hakka.' This is not only inaccurate but also has the potential for negative consequences. Referring to Southern Min as 'Taiwanese' erases the existence of Hakka, as many people in Taiwan also speak Hakka. Therefore, a correction must be made. The Government Information Office, Provincial News Office, and Municipal News Office have been instructed to promote this correction due to its prevalence in movies, radio, television, newspapers, and other media.


Take note of the lines that say: "This is not only inaccurate but also has the potential to cause negative consequences. Since many people in Taiwan speak Hakka in addition to Southern Min, referring to Southern Min as 'Taiwanese' erases the existence of Hakka." The KMT government, in its attempt to replace the lingua franca of this island with the language they brought to Taiwan, has been sowing discord among ethnic groups.

And this tactic is still employed by those who continue to oppose the use of the name 'Taiwanese' today. However, it is worth noting that this argument is only raised within Taiwan. Even Hakka is spoken in China, Indonesia, and Malaysia, yet I have never encountered anyone arguing that the language names, such as Chinese, Indonesian, and Malay, are problematic due to their lack of complete inclusivity.

Consequently, there are concerns regarding cultural hegemony, including the name dispute, particularly from certain ethnic groups, some within the Hakka community.

The effects of the KMT government's language policies can be seen in the mistaken idea and the underlying ideology behind it persist to this day.

Before the KMT government took control of Taiwan after World War II, Mandarin Chinese was not spoken on the island. During that time, people conversed in their respective ethnic languages and used Taiwanese as the lingua franca, alongside Japanese, which was promoted by the Japanese colonial government.

However, the lingua franca status of Taiwanese witnessed a significant decline due to the language policies implemented during the KMT's authoritarian rule under martial law after World War II. The KMT government actively promoted the use of Mandarin Chinese, to replace Taiwanese as the dominant language. Taiwanese was strictly prohibited in schools, media outlets, and public occasions. Students faced humiliation and fines for speaking Taiwanese at school. Publications in Taiwanese and other local languages were banned and strictly regulated. The KMT government's propaganda depicted the Taiwanese language as inferior, associated with the uneducated and the criminals.[5] This ideology was deeply ingrained in people's minds through education and media channels.

Nowadays, most people in Taiwan are unaware that the first newspaper in Taiwan, Tâi-oân Kàu-hōe Kong-pò (‘Taiwan Church News’), was initially published in 1885 in Taiwanese. The newspaper continued to publish in Taiwanese during the Japanese colonial rule but was banned from printing in Taiwanese by the KMT government in 1969. (Klöter 2005:217)[6] After decades of Mandarin-only policy, the ideology instilled by the KMT government has been internalized by the people in Taiwan.

 

Many individuals unconsciously avoid speaking Taiwanese in public settings. Even among those who converse in Taiwanese with their peers, they switch to Mandarin Chinese when talking to strangers and young people, including their own children and grandchildren. This is evident in the results of a survey that examined the language used by parents when communicating with their 3-year-old children, revealing Mandarin Chinese as the dominant family language.[7] About ten years ago, only 22% of individuals in their twenties still spoke Taiwanese at home.[8] The number of children who can speak the language is alarmingly low, and young kids who do not understand Taiwanese can be found throughout Taiwan.

Here are some posts I gathered on Facebook. Let me briefly summarize them for you. On the upper left, a frustrated Taiwanese teacher complains about how low her students' motivation is, even though she's tried many things to motivate them. On the lower left, an advocate shared a story about a woman who approached her after a talk. The woman confided that all her neighbors have stopped using Taiwanese with their children, even though she lives in the countryside of Southern Taiwan. On the right-hand side, a father from Tainan, a city in Southern Taiwan where Taiwanese speakers are supposedly abundant, describes his encounter at a park. He mentions his sons were playing with another girl when her grandmother, speaking Mandarin with a strong accent, reminded the girl to be careful. After hearing the father and sons conversing in Taiwanese, the girl said before leaving, "Actually, my father also speaks the language you speak."


And here’s an excerpt from a young author who translated Tagore’s Stray Birds into Taiwanese.[9] You can find the English translation on the right-hand side. What she said depicts the language massacre that occurred between three generations.


The severity of the language suppression carried out by the KMT government becomes even more evident when compared to the Japanese colonial rule.

The language policy during the Japanese colonial period in Taiwan can be divided into three phases: the experimental period, the assimilation period, and the period of imperialization.[10]

During the experimental period from 1895 to 1918, there was a gradual exploration of Japanese language instruction. In the assimilation period from 1919 to 1936, the focus shifted towards teaching Japanese in general education, reducing the use of Classical Chinese. Finally, in the period of imperialization from 1937 to 1945, the usage of Japanese language expanded further due to the war between China and Japan. The objectives of these policies were to popularize and promote the Japanese language through various means

Compared to the KMT government's language assimilation policy implemented after World War II, Japan's language policies during the early stages of ruling Taiwan were relatively lenient. Schools were allowed to teach Classical Chinese using Taiwanese and Hakka languages. Furthermore, unlike the KMT government, which conducted minimal research and use of the Taiwanese languages during the period of martial law, the Japanese colonial government invested resources and manpower in training police officers and officials to learn the Taiwanese language. They also conducted research and published textbooks and dictionaries. These materials and dictionaries remain important references in Taiwanese language studies to this day.[11]

In recent years, Taiwan has witnessed a shift in identity from Chinese to Taiwanese identity.

We can see this from the long-term survey by NCCU. Presently, the majority of people in Taiwan identify themselves as Taiwanese rather than Chinese. In certain regions around the world, such identity shifts have been accompanied by a transition in language, from a non-native to their native language. However, Taiwan is more comparable to the South American nations that continue to use the language of the colonizers. (Anderson 2006:195-199)[12] The majority of Taiwanese young people readily embrace Mandarin Chinese without any unease, as it is the language in which they have been brought up and educated.


Why do Taiwanese people show such little concern for their own language, even after the democratization of the island? One of the reasons lies in the misconceptions surrounding the status of the Taiwanese language. These misconceptions have perpetuated the KMT's historical practices of "demeaning" and "de-subjectifying" Taiwanese. This is evident in the ongoing debate regarding the name of the language I mentioned previously.

So, what are the misconceptions? The first one is the misconception that Taiwanese is merely a Chinese dialect. Furthermore, people wrongly believe that Taiwanese does not warrant independent treatment because it is considered a variant of Southern Min, which is also spoken in other regions such as China and Southeast Asia.

An objective criterion for distinguishing between languages and dialects is mutual intelligibility. Taiwanese and Mandarin Chinese are not mutually intelligible. Here are some comparisons of their phonology, vocabulary, and syntax.

In Mandarin Chinese, there are 21 consonants and 6 vowels, with a retroflex base. Mandarin consists of five tones, including the neutral tone. Notable aspects of Mandarin include tone sandhi, specifically the third tone tone sandhi, and the usage of "bu" and "yi".[13] 


Taiwanese, on the other hand, comprises 15 consonants and 6 vowels. Unlike Mandarin, Taiwanese includes syllables ending with unreleased stops and the nasal bilabial sound. Taiwanese consists of nine tones, including high rising tones commonly found in loanwords, as well as a neutral tone. In contrast to Chinese, Taiwanese exhibits extensive tone sandhi, with each tone having a corresponding sandhi tone.[14]

When it comes to vocabulary, Ong 2002 studied the cognates between Mandarin and Amoy, which is another variety of Southern Min mutually intelligible with Taiwanese. He noted that the percentage of cognates between English and German, both Germanic languages, is higher than the percentage of cognates between Amoy and Mandarin.[15] Many individuals in Taiwan mistakenly believe that Taiwanese only differs from Mandarin in terms of pronunciation, which is totally wrong.

In terms of syntax, Taiwanese has its own distinctive characteristics. For instance, Taiwanese utilizes negators differently from Mandarin. Only in Taiwanese is obligatory object fronting required with certain verbal compounds. Additionally, there are unique sentence patterns in Taiwanese, such as evaluative verbal reduplication and the event control construction.

Overall, it is not surprising that these two languages are not mutually intelligible.

I am aware that the term "dialect" is sometimes used politically with a negative connotation, referring to non-national languages that hold a socially and politically subordinate status to the country's official language. However, Taiwanese has now been recognized as one of the national languages in Taiwan, as stated in the Development of National Languages Act in 2018. The Ministry of Education has also standardized its orthography. While the government and the people in Taiwan may still have a predominantly Mandarin-centric perspective, legally and politically, Taiwanese should no longer be considered a dialect.

There is another common misconception that Taiwanese is merely a colloquial language. In reality, Taiwanese has been written and used in publications for over a hundred years. It was the language used in the first newspaper in Taiwan, and there have been thousands of publications, including a medical textbook, monographs, and creative writings like novels.[16] The reason this misconception persists is because Taiwanese writing was never taught in schools until recently.

With all the facts, the Ministry of Education and certain individuals in Taiwan still insist on referring to this language as Southern Min or Min Nan. Interestingly, this is the exact name given by the KMT government during the martial law period to replace its original name, Taiwanese. 

Do you remember the movie Spirited Away? This misnomer itself poses a hindrance to the revitalization of Taiwanese. The term 'Southern Min' encompasses a group of language varieties, including Amoy, Quanzhou, Zhangzhou, Chaozhou in China, Lán-lâng-uē, Penang Hokkien, and others spoken in Southeastern Asia, along with Taiwanese spoken in Taiwan. Some of these varieties are not even mutually intelligible.

If Amoy and other Southern Min varieties can have their own distinct names, such as Lán-lâng-uē being used to refer to the variety spoken in the Philippines, why can't Taiwanese be called Taiwanese? Isn't this a double standard?

In fact, according to a survey conducted in 2020, Tâi-gí or Tâi-uân-uē, literally meaning Taiwanese language, is the name by which most people in Taiwan refer to this language.[17] Continuing to use the term employed by the previous regime would undermine the people's identity and disregard the historical fact that this language serves as the natural lingua franca of the island. It would overlook the uniqueness of this language and its inseparable connection to Taiwanese culture, traditional arts, place names, and linguistic representation. Without Taiwanese, the essence of Taiwanese culture, history, traditional arts, and many place names would be lost.

Ask foreigners who have a profound understanding of Taiwan, and they will acknowledge that it is Taiwanese, not Mandarin Chinese, that historically and culturally represents Taiwan.[18] Ask a westerner whether he or she can distinguish Korean culture from Chinese culture only through festivals, architecture, and clothings. It’s always the language that plays a vital role. The misnomer "Southern Min" is to diminish the distinctiveness and identity of Taiwanese culture and history.

 

However, most Taiwanese people, educated without this language and those historical facts, can’t even recognize Taiwanese Romanization. Here is a Facebook post from a Japanese actor named Tanaka Chie. She wrote in Taiwanese and it says ‘now I can understand more when listening to Taiwanese. But it’s not easy to speak in this language. I’ll keep on working on it. Good morning. Have a nice day.’ See what these Taiwanese people commented below on the right-hand side? They said: it’s Vietnamese. Or it’s Thai. And Miss Tanaka, a Japanese who is learning Taiwanese, replied below: It’s Taiwanese. This highlights the challenge of Taiwanese language recognition.

Now let’s move on to the efforts made for revitalizing this language.

The progress made so far in revitalizing Taiwanese includes granting it a legal status as one of the national languages, its inclusion in school curricula, and a significant increase in publications and creative works following its standardization.

Since the lifting of martial law in the 1980s, activists have persistently advocated against Chinese dominance through continuous efforts in teaching, publishing, and advocating for the legal recognition of Taiwanese and other Taiwanese languages. After decades of campaigning, the Taiwan government enacted the Development of National Languages Act in 2018.

However, the deep-seated contempt towards this language still remains, and Chinese continues to enjoy a privileged and monopolized high language status on the island. While the law calls for the conservation of endangered Taiwanese local languages, it lacks any penalties or deadlines. In conclusion, the Development of National Languages Act is a significant milestone but has not brought about any fundamental changes.

Since 2003, 40 minutes per week have been allocated in the curriculum of elementary schools for teaching Taiwan languages. The course on Taiwan languages was also introduced into the curriculum of junior and senior high schools in 2023. However, the hours are so limited: 40 minutes per week in elementary schools, 50 minutes per week in the first two years in junior high schools, and 50 minutes per week in one of the three years in senior high schools. Also, we have parents and teachers who do not care about these courses, as these courses are not directly related to college or university applications. Furthermore, the lack of language usage environment at home or school, combined with the limited hours of instruction that treats Taiwanese just like a foreign language, also results in minimal impact. While most public transportation systems now broadcast in Taiwanese due to legal requirements, facing inquiries in Taiwanese, clerks often serve and respond in Mandarin.

In 2006, the Ministry of Education in Taiwan announced the official romanization system for Taiwanese. Since the Ministry’s first approved edition of the online Dictionary was released in 2011, Taiwanese writing, whether in roman script or using Chinese characters, has been standardized.

Moreover, the government organizes writing competitions in Taiwanese periodically and provides subsidies for the publication of creative works, including videos and music. There has been an increase in the number of books, dramas, and movies produced in Taiwanese. Additionally, a language proficiency test is regularly conducted, with thousands of people taking the exam each time. However, the Mandarin-dominant environment persists. Mandarin continues to be the sole medium of instruction, the default language for government operations and ceremonies. The deeply ingrained mindset of defaulting to Mandarin is prevalent. Even coworkers and friends who can speak Taiwanese often unconsciously converse in Mandarin. Grandparents, parents, or close friends who do speak Taiwanese themselves tend to switch to Mandarin when speaking to their grandchildren, sons, and daughters. Only a few people pass on Taiwanese to the next generation. If this situation remains unchanged, Taiwanese will cease to be spoken within approximately 30 years, disappearing with the generations of people who still speak it.

Currently, people in Taiwan are allowed to choose a spelling for their name on their passport other than Mandarin. However, do they choose to spell and pronounce their name in Taiwanese or their ethnic language? Do they opt to spell and pronounce their children's names in Taiwanese? Only a few people do so. This reflects the prevalence of the Mandarin-only and default mindset in Taiwan society after decades of language suppression under KMT rule.

While government policies and public awareness are crucial, individual and community-driven initiatives are also essential for language revitalization. As an author and language advocate, I have been involved in several projects to promote Taiwanese. Briefly speaking, I’m an author of several books, I co-edited a Taiwanese textbook for senior high schools, and I’m leading a team developing a gamified Taiwanese learning website.

Prior to my research and lectures on Taiwanese at universities, I worked at the Li-kang Khioh Taiwanese Foundation from 2007 to 2017. During this time, I served as the editor of a Taiwanese periodical and actively participated in activities promoting and revitalizing the language. Not only am I a language advocate, but I also engage in creative writing in Taiwanese. I have published two collections of novellas in Taiwanese.

I have been involved in the administration of the Taiwanese language proficiency test and have also been working on a project to create an online grammar database. Since the beginning of 2023, I have delivered 20 talks about Taiwanese both online and at various locations throughout Taiwan.

Here are the covers of the periodical that prints the  poems, prose, short stories, and novels in Taiwanese contributed by various writers. I had been editing it for 10 years. The periodical is the longest running one among its peers and it’s still in publication.[19]

And these are my two collections of novellas and short stories written in Taiwanese.[20]


I am not only participating in the administration of the Taiwanese language proficiency test but also served as the co-editor of a Taiwanese textbook for senior high schools. We tried to make a textbook with not only modern content but also an intriguing cover that appeals to teenagers.[21]


Due to my concerns regarding misconceptions that hinder the revitalization of Taiwanese, I have published three books. One of these books is a topic-based Taiwanese grammar book written in Chinese.[22] It is specifically designed for individuals who do not read Taiwanese and have limited knowledge of the language. In this book, I dispel the misunderstanding that Taiwanese is a dialect and highlight the distinctive features of Taiwanese grammar from a cross-linguistic perspective, particularly those that differentiate it from Mandarin.

Afterward, I wrote a learning and teaching book titled 'Superb Taiwanese Primer' in English.[23] This book is utilized in the course 'Basic Taiwanese for International Students.' Additionally, I hope that this book can present a modern and international image for the language, helping to dispel the derogatory and devaluing perception that some individuals in Taiwan hold.


Recently, I published another book, a popular science fiction work.[24] As a syntactician working within formal theoretical frameworks, I have encountered numerous intriguing features of Taiwanese that can contribute to typology and linguistic theories. However, both the syntactic theories and the unique features of Taiwanese are not widely known in society. To bridge this gap, I attempted to merge these two aspects and present them within a story. I also hope that the lens of popular science can encourage people to reimagine Taiwanese.


As part of a sub-project sponsored by the Ministry of Education, I have been leading a team in the development of a gamified Taiwanese learning website. You can scan the QR code to access the website. Our plan is to offer interfaces in both English and Japanese. Currently, the English interface is accomplished with the question bank containing over a thousand questions. Once again, my intention is to reshape the perception of this language, which is why I created an international learning website to enhance the visibility of Taiwanese.


To conclude this talk, I would like to summarize the main obstacles hindering the revitalization of Taiwanese. From a political standpoint, the democratization process in Taiwan has not involved any institutional overhaul. The historical language suppression and the Mandarin default policy have never been systematically reviewed or corrected. Economically, due to the continued Mandarin default setting at the political level, Mandarin retains its cultural dominance, with its cultural capital reproducing, and keeping on marginalizing local languages, including Taiwanese. In the field of education, students have inherited the implanted ideology taught in schools and passed down by their elders, leading to a widespread disregard for the language.[25] Mandarin still remains the sole medium of instruction in classrooms, with the exception of English as a Medium of Instruction and a few isolated cases of Taiwanese as a Medium of Instruction in only several universities.

 How endangered is this language? Here are some statistics from the report by the Ministry of Culture and a survey on languages conducted in 2020. According to the criteria set by UNESCO, it is evident that Taiwanese is in a definitely endangered state. The negative attitudes towards Taiwanese and the prevalence of misleading ideologies have deeply permeated the minds of Taiwanese people, resulting in families ceasing to pass on their heritage languages to their children.

In a book published in 1995, Huang claims that Taiwanese speakers comprise 73.3% of the island's population.[26] Quite a significant number. Nevertheless, people in Taiwan have stopped actively using or passing on the language, and that is what frustrates me the most.

To be more specific about this frustration, it stems from the mindset of parents and the deeply ingrained negative attitudes towards the Taiwanese language. Statistics show that the language is rarely transmitted to younger generations, putting it at risk of endangerment, as you can see in the diagrams. (Yap 2017:81)[27]


Are Taiwanese people aware of this? The Professor Huang Kun-huei Education Foundation conducted a survey in March, revealing that 68.4% of people in Taiwan are aware that Taiwanese languages are in danger.[28] However, the percentage of speakers who frequently use their mother tongue decreases with age. Less than half of individuals between the ages of 20 and 34 still use Taiwanese as their primary language, and the situation is even bleaker for teenagers.

 


Interestingly, 93.9% of people believe that speaking Taiwanese with their children is an effective way for them to acquire the language. However, 67.5% of respondents acknowledge that their children do not speak Taiwanese, with the main reason being that the language is not spoken within the family.

All of this contributes to the greatest challenge: people have low expectations for the language, and they are not concerned about its gradual decline. In fact, I am skeptical of people's definition of being able to speak Taiwanese. Given their contempt and the limited usage of the language, individuals are typically satisfied with learning simple phrases and sentences. Many who claim to speak Taiwanese are not even capable of delivering a 5-minute speech entirely in Taiwanese on a topic such as their hobbies.

If my previous assessment is accurate, the reality of the situation, in contrast to the survey results, is even more disheartening. The prospects for the Taiwanese language are far from optimistic, particularly given the significant decline in young speakers, especially among children. Moving forward, our focus should be on promoting Taiwanese among young people and children, tailoring our efforts to their interests and needs. We must highlight the drawbacks of a Mandarin-only society, challenge the prevailing negative perceptions for Taiwanese, and break free from the mindset of Mandarin as the default language. We need to foster a strong connection between Taiwanese identity and the Taiwanese language. Moreover, the Taiwan government should implement new policies that offer economic incentives to eliminate the hierarchical distinction between languages, facilitate the use of Taiwanese as the medium of instruction in schools and as the language for official occasions and ceremonies, and allocate more resources to the endangered Taiwanese languages, shifting away from the Mandarin default setting.

In conclusion, revitalizing and preserving the Taiwanese language requires collective efforts and a fundamental shift in attitudes and policies. By actively promoting Taiwanese among the younger generation, challenging the dominance of Mandarin, and implementing supportive measures, we can secure a future where the Taiwanese language thrives and flourishes once again.



[1] The 1915 National Survey by the Government-General of Taiwan. (1915年臺灣總督府國勢調查)

[2] Zhang, Jian-ru (張鑑如). 2019. Early Childhood Development Survey Database Construction Project: 36-month Group First Wave 36-month (D00168) [Raw Data] Source: Academia Sinica Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences Research Center, Survey Research Center, Academic Survey Research Database (幼兒發展調查資料庫建置計畫:36月齡組第一波36月齡(D00168)【原始數據】取自中央研究院人文社會科學研究中心調查研究專題中心學術調查研究資料庫。) doi:10.6141/TW-SRDA-D00168-2

[3] Chang, Der-Ling (張德麟). 2015. History of Taiwanese Roman Scripts POJ (白話字發展史).

Journal of Taiwanese Vernacular Volume 7 Issue 2 (2015/09) Pp. 4-26.

[4] See https://tinyurl.com/2abuhfhx

[5] Pan, Yi-hsien & Liu, Cheng-yuan (潘逸嫻、劉正元). 2020, Visual Representation of Taiwanese and an Analysis of Language Use: A Case Study of Movie Trailers in 2015 (影像中的台語形象再現與語言使用分析:以2015年電影預告片為例). Monumenta Taiwanica Issue 19 (2020/04) Pp. 91-127

[6]. Klöter, Henning. 2005. Written Taiwanese. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 9783447050937.

[7] Zhang, Jian-ru (張鑑如). 2019. Early Childhood Development Survey Database Construction Project: 36-month Group First Wave 36-month (D00168) [Raw Data] Source: Academia Sinica Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences Research Center, Survey Research Center, Academic Survey Research Database (幼兒發展調查資料庫建置計畫:36月齡組第一波36月齡(D00168)【原始數據】取自中央研究院人文社會科學研究中心調查研究專題中心學術調查研究資料庫。) doi:10.6141/TW-SRDA-D00168-2

[8] 2013 Taiwan Social Change Survey conducted by the Academia Sinica

[9] Un, Jiok-kiau (温若喬). 2023. Stray Birds: Taiwanese Translation (浪鳥集:泰戈爾《漂鳥集》台文版). Taipei: Jiuge Publishing Company (九歌出版社). ISBN:9789864505289

[10] Chiu, Min-jie (邱敏捷). 1998. Implementation and Impact of Language Policy in Taiwan During Japanese Colonial Rule (日治時期臺灣語言政策的實施及影響). Kaohsiung City: Cultural Affairs Commission (高雄市文獻委員會).

[11] Ang, Ui-jin (洪惟仁). 1993. Compilation of Classic Minnan Dictionaries (閩南語經典辭書彙編). Taipei: Wuling Publishing Company (武陵出版社). ISBN13:9789573506140

[12] Anderson, Benedict. 2006. Imagined Communities. Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. Revised Edition. London: Verso.

[13] Chao, Y-R. (1938). Mandarin Primer: An Intensive Course in Spoken Chinese. London: Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.

[14] Yang, Hsiao-fang (楊秀芳). 1991. Introduction to the Grammar of Taiwan Minnan Language (臺灣閩南語語法稿). Taipei: Da An Publishing Company (大安出版社). ISBN:9579233284

[15] Ong, Iok-tek. 2002. A Discussion of the Divergence Dates of Five Major Chinese Dialects Based on Glottochronology (從語言年代學試論中國五大方言分裂年代). In The Volume for Studies on Hokkien (福建語研究卷; ISBN:9789578013537) from The Collected Works of Ong Iok-tek (王育德全集). Taipei: Avanguard Publishing House.

[16] Png, Iau-khian (方耀乾). 2012. A History and Bibliography of Taiwanese Literature (台語文學史暨書目彙編). Taipei: Taiwan Wen Hui Publishing Company (台灣文薈出版). ISBN: 9789868843509.

[17] The Survey on the Endangered National Languages in 2020, Ministry of Culture, Taiwan. 85% of the native speakers use this term, in contrast to 15% who call the language Minnan language. This survey result is not included in the publicized survey report. (Ho Sin-han 2024 Personal communication)

[18] Refer to https://english.cw.com.tw/article/article.action?id=3582

[19] The periodical named Tâi-bûn Thong-sìn Bóng-pò (台文通訊Bong報) is published by the Li Kang, Khioh Taiwanese Foundation.

[20] Lau, Seng-hian. 2018 Huan-sin. Huan-sin (翻身 · 番身). Tainan: Daoxiang Taiwanese Studio. ISBN: 9789869570329.

Lau, Seng-hian. 2008 Tò-tńgVoyu Taokara Lâu Tâi-gí Té-phinn Siáu-suat-tsi̍p (倒轉:Voyu Taokara Lâu台語短篇小說集) [Tò-tńg: Collection of Taiwanese Short Stories by Voyu Taokara Lâu]Taipei: Li-kang Khioh Taiwanese Foundation. ISBN: 9789868246027

[21]  Lau, Seng-hian & Li, Bi-chhin (eds.) 2022. Taiwanese Textbook for Senior High Schools (高級中等學校本土語文(閩南語文)). Taipei: Kiwi Fruit Studio. ISBN: 9786269536054

[22]  Lau, Seng-hian. 2022. Yǔyán Xuéjiā Jiěpò Táiyǔ (語言學家解破台語). Taipei: Bacon Press. ISBN: 9789869093828

[23] Lau, Seng-hian. 2023. Superb Taiwanese Primer. Taipei: National Taiwan Normal University Press. ISBN: 9789865624897

[24] Lau, Seng-hian. 2024. Yǔzhòu Cháng zài Zì-lǐ-háng-jiān, A-má hàn Wǒ jiù le Yí ge Wàixīngrén (宇宙藏在字裡行間,A-má 和我救了一個外星人). Taipei: Kiwi Fruit Studio. ISBN: 9786269708963

[25] Su,Huang-Lan (蘇凰蘭). 2019. Wandering at the Crossroad Between Language Maintenance and

Language Shift—A Survey on Language Attitudes Toward Taigi Among 3rd-9th Graders in Taiwan. Journal of Taiwanese Languages and Literature (臺灣語文研究) Volume 14 Issue 1, Pp.81-119. DOI: 10.6710/JTLL.201904_14(1).0003

[26] Huang, Shuan Fan (黃宣範). 1995. Yǔyán, Shèhuì yǔ Zhúcún Yìshì (語言、社會與族群意識). Taipei: Crane Publishing Co. (文鶴出版有限公司). ISBN: 9789579463300

[27] Yap, Ko-Hua (葉高華). 2017. Táiwān Mínzhòng de Jiātíng Yǔyàn Xuǎnzhé (臺灣民眾的家庭語言選擇). Taiwanese Journal of Sociology (臺灣社會學刊). 62:59-111

[28] Refer to https://hkh-edu.com/nwes2024/0329-news.html

Tuesday, July 13, 2021

關於「原住vs.外來」的標準

今早看到一篇關於外來入侵種的討論,有人討論到最後,就說出「人類是地球的入侵種」、「漢人是台灣的外來種」這樣的推論了,我在想,這些想法,值得「左」標以外更進一步的驗證

這其中,我先把「消滅人類這外來種」先擱在一邊,也先把「漢人」的定義擱在一邊(所謂的漢人有不同的語言及文化差異,如何視為一體?),先來想想「台灣原住民」這部份。

首先,「漢人是台灣的外來種」,這句話相對於「台灣原住民」此一概念來說,是淺顯易懂的,用大白話說就是:「人家已經先住在那裡了,你又跑過去住,所以你不是原住民喔!」既然不是原住民,那麼用「外來種」來做修辭,自然令人印象深刻。

只不過,上一段的定義,恐怕不夠嚴謹,試想:「人家已經先住在那裡了,你又跑過去住,所以你不是原住民,是外來種喔!」這個定義,最大的作用就是「分化」,任何群體只要被套上了,那就會被析離出一群又一群,不伊於胡底而不止,即使是套用在「台灣原住民」之上,這樣的作用仍然!

怎麼說?因為台灣原住民(台灣南島語族),正是以其多元聞名於世,即使是台灣原住民,也有「來台先後」的時間差。

以下引自中研院的資料(https://twstudy.iis.sinica.edu.tw/preHistory/part3.html)

學者進一步推測,台灣的南島語族並非同時渡台,而是至少分五批遷移:最早來的是泰雅族、鄒族,時間大約是距今6500年前;最晚的雅美族,則在500年前才從菲律賓的巴丹島移居。

根據以上的渡台時間差,再套用前面的「原住民vs.外來種」定義,只怕我們要得出以下結論了:「只有泰雅族、鄒族是原住民,阿美族、卑南族、賽夏族、布農族、排灣族等等...全都是『外來種』。」

等等!你以為這樣就結束了嗎?不,這定義還沒讓「泰雅族、鄒族」決勝負呢!請問:根據定義,泰雅族與鄒族,孰為原住民,孰為外來種?

如果你以為上面的一對一對決後就結束了,那你又錯了,還記得嗎?此一定義的分化析離作用不伊於胡底絕不終止;來來來,鄒族的情況待查,但很多人都知道泰雅族基本上像個泛稱,裡頭還有分群,要不要也套上定義一決泰雅諸群體之間「原住vs.外來」之別?

「不可能!」聰明的你要說了,「那些分群很有可能是渡台後繁衍分派的結果。」

沒錯,但,如果是好幾個家庭或家族攜同渡台呢?要不要再套上定義,看看是哪個家族或哪位女祖或男祖的腳先踏上台灣島的呢?

講到這裡,大概很多人要怒了,認為我就是要來為「台灣的非原住民」洗白的,認為我想靠著上面那條定義來搞分化(但那條大家習以為常的定義本身明明分化作用超強,如上些例子),搞到最後沒有人有資格稱自己是原住民,所以所有的外來者就都可以把「外來者」的標籤從身上撕下來了。

不,我如果有這樣的想法,那我應該要從現在開始,質疑「台灣原住民」一詞的指涉內涵,一如我對所謂「漢人」的定義與指涉感到懷疑一樣。

但我對「台灣原住民」的指稱對象並無懷疑,台灣當然有原住民,而且就是我們所知道的那些族群。

我進行這項討論的目的,一如文首,是對帶有強烈「分化析離作用的原住民定義」進行檢視,當我們要進行任何主張時,務必要先看看主張背後的定義及脈絡,要不然,一個定義用到最後,只怕我們想要的界定依然未明,卻先分化析離得極為成功了。

老實說我應該就停在這裡了,不過,因為預知大家在重思「原住民」定義時,可能會遇到哪些問題,所以就不憚煩地先大概提一下。

如果我們對於「台灣原住民」所指涉的族群具有共識,那麼我們該怎麼面對—「原住民也有渡台先後,但都是原住民」,而「後於原住民來台者,就不是原住民」—這樣套套邏輯的破綻?

或許有人要說:很簡單呀!非原住民來台後,侵佔原住民土地,並對原住民進行殺戳!

以上這固然是無可辯駁的史實,只不過,若要採用這條內容來修改「原住民」的定義,恐怕也要考慮一下原住民內部的情況,畢竟原住民除了有來台先後之別,原住民不同的族與群之間,相互攻伐、獵頭也是史實,如何區隔後來人群對原住民的壓迫,與原住民不同族、群之間的彼此爭競、壓迫,這當然不能又是一句「因為他們是原住民」來帶過了(聰明的讀者應該看出來了,這又是個套套邏輯)。

就我淺薄的認知,我所能做到外來移民的區別,恐怕只有「連同體制、機構、軍隊等政權型態的移民」與非屬前者的「移民」的區分,前者是我們都知道的「殖民」,後者則分先後,有「原住民」跟「非原住民」之分

很抱歉的是,我這篇對定義的檢驗,宥於個人程度有限、對文獻了解不足,並沒有辦法提出答案,我所能做的只是「檢驗」,提醒任何喜歡正義的朋友(包括我自己),要不時回頭想一想自己「為什麼」這麼說,「根據」的是什麼,因為這是任何人的正義可以長久立足的根基。

畢竟,我們都不樂於看到(至少我假設啦),有任何正義之士,一邊用太膚淺的定義把人貼上「外來」的標籤,一邊又大力支持歐洲外來移民的權益;仔細想想,不矛盾嗎?

說到這裡,其實已經有些些苗頭出現了不是嗎?我們該支持、扶助的「標準」,有時候不在於「時間先後」,而在於「擁有資源及社經力量」的「強弱」,濟弱扶傾,停止對「強」的任何資源挹注,並對過去的受壓迫者進行恢復與補償,這大概是我目前能想到的其中一個重點。

另一個該思考的重點是:「不是原住民」不等於就是「外來者(種)」。問題可能遠比簡單二分更複雜得多。

當然,上述討論僅限於「移民」,至於「殖民」(如果我們在定義上有共識),我沒有為其辯護的一丁點意圖。

———非「原住」=「外來」?之追伸————

被說「非原住」可以大方承認,但被稱來「外來」就不好受了,因為「外來」一詞除了有「不認同本地」、「暫居」的意涵,還可以聯想到生物學上的「外來入侵種」,這些「外來入侵種」之所以恐怖,在於其會消滅在地的物種,使生態多樣性消失。

但設想,若是一個物種已在此出現上千年(以族群或語言比附如:阿美語)、數百年(像是泛稱四百年的台語或也是數百年的客語),其後,雖然生存競爭、搶奪資源的狀況繼續,不過其他的物種仍在,並沒有因此滅絕,那麼,此種情況絕不應與下述情形混為一談。

不該與什麼情形混為一談呢?就是有一個物種全身披掛,無差別地進行他種擊殺,也不過才出現五十年,其他的物種就都面臨存續危機,到七十年,這個外來物種已經把所有的地盤、場域、巢穴幾乎完全佔據,其他的物種則分處於去了半條命、氣若游絲、與已經斷氣的情況,這,才是恐怖的外來種,這,才是沙文。

回顧歷史,台語可從來不曾沙文過,沙文是華語的專長。

這也是文章一開始我反對含混的稱「漢人」的另一個原因。

Thursday, December 20, 2018

咱欲愛有台語台

有客家台 有原民台
咱欲愛有台語台

記者會新聞稿

日期:2018年12月20日
時間:10:00~10:30
地點:立法院中興大樓101會議室
主辦:催生台語公共電視台聯盟

2017年由34個團體發起之「催生台語公共電視台聯盟」提出訴求,要求政府重視台語的文化傳承,盡速成立台語公共電視台。引起社會熱烈討論,並得到全台255個團體連署支持,取得立法院共71位立法委員的連署支持。可見社會對此議題期待的程度。經過一年多的努力,欣聞文化部已著手進行,預計以補助公視基金會設立之台語頻道先行,計劃明年年中開播,並已編列新台幣4億元專案預算。期能儘早讓台語得到遲來的公平對待。

然而12月17日立法院教育文化委員會中,部份委員因對此議題知之不明進而連署將此預算擱置。聯盟深感震驚之餘,為使立法院教育文化委員會能不負全國人民期待做出正確判斷,本聯盟於下針對委員們的質疑一一提出反駁。

首先必須說明,我們訴求中的電視台是一個概稱。在現代網路的時代,當然可以用任何型式的傳播媒介呈現。但必須是一個獨立的傳播機構。因為我們要求此機構必須以台語為主體思考 ,必須確保節目內容多元性,並且必須確保節目品質。這些都必須是一個有獨立台性、具有公共電視特性的傳播機構才能做得到的。客家台和原民台在過去幾年,都已經證明如此。

  部份委員們的質疑歸納為:台語頻道的必要性以及台語頻道的名稱。以下一一澄清:

一.台語頻道的必要性

台語是否為瀕危語言?


台語是否為瀕危語言並非單憑個人感覺可推定,聯合國教育科學及文化組織(UNESCO)瀕危語言專家小組在已出版的《世界瀕危語言地圖》(Atlas of the World’s Languages in Danger)中了提供九項指標予以衡量。以第一項「跨世代語言傳承」指標為例,共分為六個等級:「安全、脆弱、確定瀕危、嚴重瀕危、極度瀕危、死亡」。依此量表,台語已進入第四等級「嚴重瀕危:只有祖父母或更老的輩份使用,父母不一定會說,也不會跟小孩說」。 雖然許多人認為台語佔台灣人口70%,但若依此衡量台語早已無法滿足前三個等級:「安全:語言使用者不分年齡,且跨世代沒有阻礙。/脆弱:仍有多數小孩會說,但僅限於某些語言領域使用,如家中。/確定瀕危:小孩已無法在家中像學習母語一樣學習該語言。」未來,若台語使用者僅限於祖父母或更年長輩份,而且他們不常說或只會說一點點時,台語就進入「極度瀕危」的等級;而下一個等級就是「死亡」。

有客家台有原民台,卻不能有台語台?

台灣在過去的政治環境下各種本土語言皆遭受打壓。如今於積重難返的華語霸權環境下,各本土語言盡皆瀕危復振困難。不止台語,客語及原民語都遇到同樣的困難。為復振客語及原民語,政府早已投入資源立法。而世界人權宣言及人權公約都主張各族群「有權以自己的語言建立自己的傳播媒介」。為落實客語及原民語的傳播權,政府已設有專門的電視台及廣播電台:客語有「客家電視台」、「客家廣播電台」;原住民語也有專門的「原住民電視台」、「原民廣播電台」。只有台語是沒有獨立播放的頻道。這就是不公平的歧視。站在文化平權的角度看,政府必須消弭這個歧視。


為何不採補助方式?

專屬頻道比起由政府補助商業台製作節目,更能獨立運作。不易成為另一種形式的置入。這也是公共電視的精神,保障不受政治因素干預。而若採補助案自然會隨著主政者異動而變動。這也是客家台及原民台要爭取專法保障的原因。透過專門的台語頻道運作,才能培養更多台語影視人才,擴大人才庫及市場。避免讓原本創造力豐富的獨立製片、導演或傳播公司等,陷入與擁有頻道之商業電視台競爭或遭其剝削的困境,也不致因忙於得標後的行政程序,而無力專心於創作,由此節目品質方能獲得保障,也始能強化對母語文化的認同,進而擴大市場。


有了台語台,就能復振台語?

當然這不是必然。復振台語需要更多方面的努力。然而國際上許多的研究都指出,語言能否傳承,擁有以該語言發音的幼兒及青少年節目是很重要的。而要目前以華語為主要發音且以商業市場為考量的商業電視台投入製播,顯然是非常困難。除了幼兒及青少年節目以外,全方位的多元節目也是語言復振的要項。這都必須有公共電視台台性的媒體投入。



二.台語頻道的名稱

台語是閩南語?


閩南是中國福建南部。台灣並不是中國福建南部,當然台語就不該稱為閩南語。實際上在中國福建南部,有許多種語言。例如廈門話、不同的泉州話、各種漳州話、客家話...這些語言,有些與台語相通(如:廈門話),但也有一些是與台語互相無法溝通的。

由此可知,以「閩南語」來指稱「台語」,並不恰當。更有甚者,「台語/台灣話」一詞,百年來已經約定俗成,故意以「閩南話」來替代,難道不是血淋淋「去台灣化」的政治操作,既不可取,也無必要。

台語稱為「台語」,符合全世界語言命名的通例,一向,以地名為語言命名的,指的就是當地最大語族、最具代表性的語言。

法國境內,有四十多種在地語言,但何嘗有人質疑「法語」的指涉?日本國內有愛努語及琉球語,不過「日本語」就只明明白白用來指稱一個語言,沒有人會覺得奇怪,何以,「台語」做為台灣在地最大語族、且又是最具代表性的語言專有名詞,卻屢遭挑釁?

言者又有謂:「台語既與廈門話相通,憑什麼自行稱為台語?」問這問題的人,如果懂得放眼國際,也就不會庸人自擾了。東南亞的馬來西亞所説的馬來話,與印尼所說的印尼話,兩者根本可以通話無礙,又何曾有人去質疑為何各立名號?歐洲的克羅埃西亞語與塞爾維亞語,彼此溝通無阻,但各執一個名字,又有誰說不可?

台語憑什麼是台語?

台灣是一個多語社會。台語是其中的一個語言,是一個專有名詞。然而,近年來有許多人將專有名詞及統稱做了混淆,似是而非觀念亟需澄清。舉例來說,台灣有許多大學,包括台灣大學、清華大學、淡江大學...等,但是台灣大學只有一所。並不會有其他台灣的大學群起抗議說大家都是台灣大學,因為台灣大學就是一個專有名詞。再舉例,台灣的南部有很多城市。包括台南、高雄、屏東,,但是叫做台南的城市就只有一個,並不會有其他台灣南部的城市群起抗議說大家都是台南,畢竟,台南就是一個專有名詞。同理,台灣是一個多語社會,有許多語言,包括台語,客語,原民各族語,而台語,就是一個專有名詞。使用台語這個稱呼,就如同上述諸多例子一樣,並沒有排除其他台灣各語言的問題。


在人權中有一個概念是,族群/個人本身有權利依照自己的意願取名,其他族群/個人不應強迫他族/他人使用其非自願使用之稱呼。客家人自己認同母語名稱叫做「客家話」,以及原住民認同自己原本的原住民語稱呼,都受到應有尊重和祝福,台語人自然也該有此權利,更何況強迫其他族群改名,本就是違反人權的惡行。

而台語被使用者本身稱呼為台語,是無庸置疑的。從歷史上來看「台語」這個名稱是自日治時期開始。甚至到戰後一直都還沿用「台語」,例如:台灣省國語推行委員會在 1955 年出版的《臺語方音符號》和國防部在 1958 年出版,由蔣介石故總統任內曾親筆批准的《注音臺語會話》一書,也都稱呼這語言為「台語」。

最後,我們響應並支持文化部長鄭麗君的倡見:「文化實為加法。唯有台灣本土各族群語言攜手突破目前華語霸權的態勢,方能回復台灣多元多語社會的欣欣向榮。」


出席名單:

台語正常化推動聯盟召集人 許慧盈
台灣南社副秘書長 陳豐惠
台灣公民參與協會理事長 何宗勳
台灣北社社長 李川信
台灣教師聯盟理事長 蕭曉玲
李江却台語文教基金會董事長 邱文錫
台灣基督長老教會總會台灣族群母語推行委員會台語組召集人 陳金泉
鄭南榕基金會董事 鄭清華
鄭南榕基金會執行長 涂之堯
台灣女性影像學會 理事 林珮菁
時代力量智庫副執行長 彭盛韶
基進黨副秘書長林春妙
自由台灣黨 蔡丁貴
前國大代表 楊文彬
牛埔庄講義所委員 王淑卿
劉重義教授
林宜靜女士
洪郁翔先生
台北水噹噹姊妹聯盟
打狗囡仔台語共學團
台語路鬥陣行台語共學團
台語囡仔共學團
對囡仔講台語(臉書社團)
牽囡仔ê手 行台語ê路(臉書粉絲專頁)

Saturday, May 26, 2018

Who did this?


The working Saturday today began surprisingly. I found all the things in the storage compartment of my scooter were taken out and scattered on the ground, except for the helmet, which was put on the scooter next to mine.

Who did this? A thief? A mischievous kid? I did curse when I parked my scooter yesterday evening because the scooter that was not parked well on the right side was such a parking obstacle. Could it be the case such that the owner was not far from me and accidentally overheard my cursing him/her?

Whoever he/she is, there's nothing easier than opening the compartment whose lock is out of order. I just don't care much for I never put anything valuable in it.

Now I begin to worry, whereas I don't even know what I should do. Should I fix the lock and lock the compartment properly since then? We all know that a standard lock would not stop a practiced thief.

Since my scooter looks quite old and worn, no way would the thief, if he/she is a thief, intentionally target mine. One possibility is that the thief tried to open the compartments of all the scooters in the lane to see whether there were any unlocked and scoured the opened one for anything valuable.

I just hope this won't happen anymore.


Monday, April 30, 2018

改變

毋免T老師講,我嘛知影家己有較大箍,毋過,我一點仔都無要意啊!

若欲有通揀,一項是像以早瘦瘦、身材實櫼實櫼,毋過一堆毛病;閣一項是變較大箍,毋過風疼、痔瘡、睏袂好勢、起凊瘼...等等一大捾講會了袂盡的症頭攏總好去,免講我嘛甘願大箍無要緊!無遐的病疼佮欠點來觸纏,日子有偌爾仔爽神恁敢知?

爽神甲我愛煩惱家己會親像祖師爺講的「爛瘡一下好,就袂記得疼。」有影,這站仔練功,時間無以早遐長,真害。

毋但身體規个有較好,精神嘛較定著,暗時睏,袂閣驚東驚西矣。

講這个袂驚,我個人捌有三款經歷。

頭一款,是猶信耶穌的時,心內若有驚惶,就祈禱佮唱歌呵咾主,將家己交佇上帝手裡,相信上帝有相佮佇咧,保護照顧,這乎,有時有效,有時陣是家己咧騙家己,無講攏有路用。

閣一款是上蓋bái的向時,啥物都毋信,嘛因為按呢,啥物都毋驚,橫直人肉鹹鹹,欲哺做伊來。咱老實講,這嘛毋是袂驚,這是存範死加鐵齒。

啊若這站仔的毋驚,是有影袂驚矣,檢采是身體較好,心嘛得著安搭,氣有較沉,嘛毋知愛驚啥,這才是正港的平安。

啊這个平安,嘛是予我本底漚kóo的身體好起來的形意拳仝時予我的另外一項禮物。

昨暗,閣聽著L老師舊症頭夯起來咧慒心,啥物工課都袂做得,我想,伊最近睏定著嘛閣佮進前仝款,歹睏去矣!伊信上帝信甲遐迷,毋過數十冬過矣,煞連身體、心理都顧袂好勢。

Tann我共伊的上帝講sa-ió-ná-lah了後,總算揣著「有應效、無嘐潲」的寶貝,聽老師教,家己好好仔練就有改變,實拄實的方法,敢有人嘛欲來試看覓?

Tuesday, December 12, 2017

『功過並陳』ê嘐潲話


《促進轉型正義條例》三讀通過了後,中國國民黨kap in一寡黨員ê發言,譀其kua to有影。

啥mih發言--leh?針對《促進轉型正義條例》beh消除台灣「威權統治時期」ê象徵,害死tsiok濟人、mā hōo真濟人冤枉坐監ê蔣介石,伊ê烏人、用伊ê名來號名ê學校、路名,lóng beh檢討,中國國民黨ê回應suah是「要求將伊ê功勞kap罪過hē做伙看」,中國國民黨ê立委陳學聖,甚至tī質詢ê時,要求官員舉三件蔣介石爸仔囝bat做ê好代--出-來。

Án-ne講,kám tio̍h?


Tio̍h iah m̄-tio̍h,檢采ài看所在。踮台灣,ē-sái hōo人án-ne畫烏漆白teh替蔣介石掩護,m̄-koh,kap蔣介石仝款實行獨裁統治、刣死kap迫害tsiânn濟人ê Hitler(『希特勒』),做你去歐洲kā掩護看māi,真濟歐洲國家lóng立法禁止「替Hitler kap Nazi黨圓話」;踮德國,攑Nazi符號、呵咾Hitler kap講Nazi無大屠殺是犯法--ê;事實上,今年8--月,tsiah拄拄有兩个中國遊客,tī德國行Hitler款式ê禮,了後hōo德國警察khok--去。

Lán若照中國國民黨ê講法,德國kap hit寡歐洲國家mā siunn拗蠻--ah!Beh講Hitler,kám m̄免「將伊ê功勞kap罪過hē做伙看」?就親像in一寡人逐不時呵咾姓蔣--ê對台灣有tsit个貢獻koh hit个貢獻,品講伊mā是有做好ê一面,我講,真歹勢,若beh講貢獻,姓蔣--ê koh輸Hitler--leh!啊若Hiter因為做ê歹代極惡,無資格hông替伊講話kā伊呵咾,án-ne,姓蔣--ê是幾分ê螺絲,hia-ê人是憑啥mih beh替伊抹粉?

無,咱下跤就隨來算看Hitler ê功勞按怎?

Hitler peh起ê年代,德國因為第一次大戰戰輸,ài賠天霸王kuân ê賠償金,有偌kuân?因為金額太大--ah,uì簽條約開始算,按算ài還一百冬tsiah還ē得了。無米koh拄著閏月,kan-kan-á二O年代世界經濟崩敗,德國是無錢koh揹重債,人民kap政府lóng艱苦罪kuà,hit-tang-tsūn德國ê失業率做一下tshìng kuân到15%,sì-kuè是有路無厝倒leh餓ê散赤人,規个國家是án-ne淒慘落魄,落魄悽慘。

咱lóng知影Hitler極gâu演講,就是伊鼓勵德國人ài有信心,重頭建立對德國ê光榮感,伊m̄是kan-tann取一支喙niā-niā,伊想步想路減少失業率,自本伊上任進前,有七百萬人無頭路,伊執政了後,失業率降kah beh倚0%,siāng時伊貸款鼓勵人建置家庭,tsit个成果ē-tàng uì伊執政了後德國ê生育率提升看ē出--來,甚至外國mā學伊tsit个政策;tsia-ê掠外,伊投資公共建設,親像:起水庫、舖鐵枝路、tshui-sak觀光等等,事實上,通世界頭一條高速公路,就是Hitler執政ê德國起--起-來--ê,Hitler改善人民ê生活,拚經濟,手腕是一流--ê。

Hitler mā鼓勵、促進科學ê發展,咱現此時lóng iáu teh用ê一寡產品、技術,真濟lóng是Hitler政府透過政策發展--出-來--ê,比論:一般人mā買ē起ê汽車、火箭ê ia̋n-jín,噴射飛行機ê技術等等。科學掠外,伊mā改進德國ê農業生產,tī伊執政ê時代,德國ê小麥、雞卵、肉、牛奶等等ê產量lóng增加著tsiok緊。

咱kám知影,Hitler mā真重視德國人ê健康,伊家己本底是食薰食kài大ê薰猴,結果伊改薰,koh立法tī德國ê真濟公共場所禁薰,ē-sái講是「反薰害」ê先進者,伊ê政府mā支持「食薰對健康有敗害」ê科學研究,tī伊執政ê時,就已經有論文指出食薰ē致癌--ah;歷史文獻指出,Hitler統治ê德國是hit个時代歐洲tshui-sak反對食薰規模上大、上出力ê國家;伊m̄-nā要意人民ê健康,咱koh-khah想bē到--ê,是Hitler mā是動物保護ê先進者,伊ê政府有通過hit个時代上kài嚴格ê動物保護法,mā立法管制拍獵。伊本人食菜,mā鼓勵人mài食肉,koh反對動物實驗。

Hitler mā是勞工權利ê維護者,伊改善德國ê勞動環境,透過政策要求,beh一百冬前ê德國工場m̄-nā環境得著改善,真濟koh建置員工餐廳、歇睏間kap hu-lóo間仔。

仝時,Hitler政府mā是人文藝術ê tshui展者,伊ê政府鼓勵辦音樂會kap藝術展覽,而且大大tshui-sak媒體技術ê進步,尤其是電影,因為Hitler政府ê支持,電影ê技術發展了真緊,親像彩色電影拄出世ê重要技術agfacolor,就是hiàng時發明--ê,hit-tang-tsūn開始用ê吊秤kap攝影機鐵枝路,mā是kah tann to猶原teh使用ê拍片ê手路。

頂kuân是指一寡仔例niā-niā,若beh講Hitler對德國ê付出、對世界文明kap技術ê貢獻,iáu真有thang講--leh,m̄-koh,德國kap別國,kám有khah tsiânn人--ê出來huah講:「Ài將Hitler ê功勞kap罪過hē做伙看」--ê?Mài講啥,in德國無kah一條路號做「Hitler路」,無tshāi kah一个Hitler ê烏人,mā無學校、飛行機場、建築物是用Hitler來號名--ê,是按怎?因為獨裁統治、政治迫害kap屠殺是無thang饒赦ê「反人類罪行」,tsit款人無資格要求「將功補罪」。

啊若Hitler做kah án-ne,to無法度彌補伊ê罪kuà--ah,蔣介石kap蔣經國是算啥mih跤毛?

Lán uì tsia就thang知反對tshui動「轉型正義」真正是豈有此理!Mā隨看ē出來,中國國民黨teh講ê hia-ê話有jua̋-á-nī無國際觀、jua̋-á-nī無水準--ah!