何必因無理陳抗而再創「福台語」一詞？

 [[[何必因無理陳抗而再創「福台語」一詞？]]]

賴金河、余伯泉於「自由廣場」撰文表示『客語族不反對「福台語」』，建議採用「福台語」來稱呼「台語」，以化解部份客家人士的反彈。

按部份客家人士的連署、陳抗，其言不成理，表面上呼籲「族群平等」，事實上卻壓迫台語人的自我命名權，漠視國際上的語言命名實務。世界上各國、各地幾乎都是「多語、多族群」的，但即使廣東有世居的客家人，從未聽聞客家人士對「廣東話」一詞有任何意見；他們即使自認為華人，也對「華語」一名未置一喙。從歐洲的意大利、西班牙，到亞洲的越南、日本、韓國，都有「意大利語」、「西班牙語」、「越南語」、「日語」、「韓語」這些專有名詞的使用，為什麼這些多語多族的國家都泰然自若，只有台灣部份客家人士對「台語」一詞暴跳如雷，相對比照，其等之「無理取鬧」難道不是昭然若揭？

以一地之地名為該地之跨族群共通語命名，望諸四海，比比皆是，「台語」一名有何不可。更何況「台語／台灣話」一詞至少已百年有餘，甚至台灣史學者翁佳音更指出「台語／台灣話」一詞早見於清國及荷蘭文獻，那麼為何要以新創的「福台語」一詞，來安撫部份客家人士「無理」的訴求？難道這些人就能循一樣的想法，接受「華語」改為「福華語」，「客語」改為「福客語」、「原住民語」改為「福原語」？

其實「福爾摩沙語」（Formosan languages）在語言學界是專指「台灣南島語」（原住民語），採用「福台語」一詞，不但沒有必要，而且只是憑添混亂而已。

若部份客家人士的「情感」及「不舒服」可做為剝奪台語命名權的理由，那麼政府未來要如何「依理、依法行政」。回顧政府過去多年來推動人權事務，例如「同婚」及「允許原住民名字單以羅馬字登記」，這些無不讓許多人「心有不快」、「情感上無法接受」，但政府也未曾因這些心理不快，就停止人權事務的推展。如今面對部份客家人士無理取鬧，政府更應堅持別讓部份人士打迷糊戰，把專有名詞的「台語」跟一般名詞的「台灣的語言」混為一談，誤導視聽。

最後，賴、余於文中說道他們爭論的是政府的公文書用語，非民間用語。此一說法更是「似是而非」。如果有此必要，「English」（英語）一詞難道不是民間用語？為什麼各國及我國政府都照著使用，不另外在公文書上使用正式的「Anglo-saxon」（盎格魯撒克遜語）或「British Germanic」（大不列顛日耳曼語）？甚至連語言學者也不這麼用。意圖在原有的語言稱呼外，另造新名，只是徒增困擾、多此一舉罷了！

 Reply to Prof. Vijunas: There's Nothing Wrong with the Name 'Taiwanese'

Professor Aurelijus Vijunas’ article, "An accurate term for ‘Taiwanese’," published on August 3rd in the Editorial & Opinion section, argues that ‘Taiwanese’ is not a suitable name for the Southern Min variety spoken in Taiwan. He presents three main points: 1) Taiwanese is mutually intelligible with some Southern Min varieties, especially in China; 2) the name was coined by Japanese officials without linguistic basis; and 3) Taiwan is a multilingual and multicultural society.

I contend that Professor Vijunas’ arguments are flawed from a global perspective on language naming.

Firstly, he conflates language naming with linguistic classification. While Taiwanese is indeed a Southern Min variety, many languages worldwide are named independently of their typological classification. For instance, English, a Germanic language, is not called Anglo-Saxon or British Germanic. Similarly, Icelandic, an Old Norse language, is not called Icelandic Norse or Icelandic Scandinavian. Mutual intelligibility is also not a decisive factor in language naming. According to A. E. Blomso, a student of mine whose family is from Norway, Norwegian people can talk to Danish speakers without any difficulties. Does this mean Norwegian and Danish cannot be named respectively as two language terms? Languages which are mutually intelligible but named separately are not rare at all; examples include Indonesian/Malay, Hindi/Urdu, and Croatian/Serbian.

Secondly, Professor Vijunas incorrectly attributes the coinage of ‘Taiwanese’ to Japanese officials. Historian Ang Ka-im (翁佳音) confirms the term’s existence in Dutch and Qing dynasty documents, predating Japanese rule. Taiwanese emerged as a lingua franca among Taiwan’s diverse population. This challenges the notion that a language name must reflect a single ethnic group or a purely linguistic basis. Numerous countries, including Britain, Japan, Korea, Vietnam, and Italy, are multilingual and multicultural, yet their primary languages are named after the respective countries.

Indigenous and Hakka languages are undeniably important in Taiwan, but Taiwanese serves as the representative language of Taiwanese culture, arts, history, and place names. Let me quote from L. Pape, who was an exchange student interviewed by Common Wealth Magazine. He said: "Before coming to Taiwan, my biggest impression of Taiwan was its music. I liked Wu Bai for a very long time. I had heard Yeh Chi-Tien’s song ‘Ai Pan Jiu Hui Ying’ (Life Will Win If You Fight) in China before. My regret in Taiwan is that I didn’t make more effort to learn Taiwanese. Language is a key to culture, and if I truly wanted to become Taiwanese, learning Taiwanese should have been important." As Mr. Pape observed, Taiwanese is key to understanding Taiwan’s culture. In contrast, Mandarin, imposed by the KMT, represents a linguistic imposition and is not inherently connected to Taiwanese identity.

In conclusion, the name ‘Taiwanese’ aligns with global language naming practices. It organically developed as a lingua franca among Taiwan’s people and reflects the language’s cultural significance. As linguists, we should respect a community’s right to name its language, recognizing that such naming is a fundamental aspect of human rights.

這些客家朋友！別鬧了好嗎？==

至人無夢，而鄙人如我，昨夜恍惚之中，身處於一個記者會裡，仔細一聽，原來是國內某些客家團體發起的記者會，發言者用優美的客語，義憤填膺地說道：

 

「閩南做為族群與文化薈萃、海商及語言輸出的重要地區，台語人怎麼敢擅稱自己的語言為『閩南語』呢？閩南有著『漳、泉、客、畬』不同的族群及語言，是移民原鄉的認同及驕傲，理應屬『客、畬、漳、泉』所有族裔人民共有，不該專屬於特定族群，把台語稱為閩南語，把世居閩南的客家族群放在哪裡？這實在是大大不可！」

 

夢中的我大吃一驚！是呀！閩南也有世居的客家族群，而夢中聽見這道理，不就跟最近社團法人台灣客家語文學會、台北市客家文教發展協會等客家團體，反對台語叫做台語的理由是同一個套路嗎？

 

把這個套路一再套用，台語真不知道要叫什麼才好了。

 

不過奇怪的是，我從沒聽過客家團體抗議「國語」一詞，教育部臺灣客語辭典堂而皇之地使用「國語」一詞（如「對應國語」選項），怎麼上列這些客家團體一點意見都沒有呢？用他們的話來說，難道這個「國」不是「應屬於所有族裔全國人民共有」嗎？怎麼可以專屬於「華語」呢？

 

但我比較擔心的是，這個「道理」如果推而廣之，上列這些客家團體恐怕要向UNESCO（聯合國教科文組織）進行全球性抗議才行，畢竟「一地的自然共通語，以該地名進行語言命名」，在世界上所在多有，照他們的看法，我們得到以下格式：

 

＿＿＿＿，這兩個字詞代表的是＿＿＿＿的認同、驕傲，應屬於＿＿＿＿所有族裔共有，不該專屬於所謂「＿＿＿＿語」這個特定族群。

 

所以．．．

日本、日，這兩個字詞代表的是日本國的認同、驕傲，應屬於日本所有族裔（包括阿伊努人、琉球人）共有，不該專屬於所謂「日語」這個特定族群。

 然後，我們可以把上面的「＿＿＿＿」套上「中國」、「越南」、「泰國」、「西班牙」、「義大利」．．．

 

反對「台語」一詞的客家朋友，你們這下抗議得完嗎？

 

如果你們不抗議，不遵循「一致的標準」，那憑什麼專找「台語」一詞的麻煩呢？

 

但仔細想想，這根本是你們「自找麻煩」呀！客家的朋友當中，應該也有具學養、懂語言學的專家吧！你們可以請教這些專家呀！請教他們「專有名詞」及「一般名詞」的差別哪裡！

 

懂語言學的人會告訴你：

 

「日本語」是專有名詞，和「日本的語言」意思不一樣。

「台南」是專有名詞，和「台灣南部」意思不一樣。

「義大利語」是專有名詞，和「義大利的語言」意思不一樣。

 

所以．．．

 

「台語」是專有名詞，和「台灣的語言」意思不一樣。

 

這很難懂嗎？還是你們堅持要向全世界抗議！要改變世界常見的語言命名通則？

 

閱讀這些團體通篇聲明，裡頭錯誤不少，以下再舉幾個例子。

 聲明中說：『(一)根據國家語言發展法第3條與第4條，已明文規定在台灣地區各族群使用的母語名稱及地位應一律平等。』

我想聲明者不懂什麼叫「平等」，平等就是尊重他人的權利，各人及各族群的權利包括「命名權」、「名從主人」的原則，我叫「Lau Seng-hian」，你不能來干涉我，要求我改名，否則就是不尊重我，我們之間就不存在平等。

 

聲明中說：『(二)再根據教育部十二年國民基本教育課程綱要本土語言課綱，對本土語言的類別(閩南語文、客家語文、原住民族語文、閩東語文)與定義已有明確的規範，且行之多年。』

為什麼課綱會把「台語」叫「閩南語」？就是因為不被政府尊重硬是改名呀（發生在戒嚴時代），然後課綱制定時，又有不懂語言學、不懂名從主人、不懂國際語言命名實務的人強烈要求不可以叫「台語」，所以才會叫「閩南語」呀！怎麼現在這個被扭曲的結果反而被拿來當令箭了？

 

聲明中說『(三)從85年起國小到高中教育階段，已陸續實施本土語言教學超過28年，各類本土語言在學校受到公平對待，實施成效逐漸彰顯。』

老實說，有「公平對待」嗎？客委會、原民會每年預算都數十億起跳，「台語」沒有專屬的預算，不但資源不公平，而且連「叫什麼名字」都要先經過某些客家朋友同意。試問，「客家」叫「客家」，有經過我們同意嗎？蘭嶼的「達悟族」（意思是「人」）叫「達悟族」，難道也要先問過客家朋友准或不准？（你是人，我不是？）發起聲明者，真的心中有「平等」嗎？

 

在聲明末段，更是顯露出對歷史事實的漠視及誤解，聲明寫道：「台語是近卅年來為對抗華語專擅為國語，並為確立台灣主體性而來之民間對閩南語的俗稱。」Excuse me! 「台語」一名早就不只「卅年」了好嗎！早在台灣被日本殖民的時候，「台語」就被稱為「台灣語／台語／台灣話」了，為什麼？因為日本殖民者也懂前面提到國際上的語言命名通則呀！他們發現在台灣島上族群眾多，但基本上就是用「台語」來做為族群間的共通語。要不然，俁野保和為什麼會編出《台灣語集》、田內八百久万為什麼會編出《台灣語》，日本總督府還在1931-1932年出版了《臺日大辭典》，連二次戰後，國民黨政府都還出版過《實用台語會話》及《注音台語會話》耶！這些歷史歷歷在目，為什麼聲明中可以臉不紅、氣不喘地說「台語」一詞是近三十年才有的呀！

 

歷史事實就是：台語不是族群語言，台語是百多年來台灣的自然共通語，所以根據世界上語言命名的通則，被以「台語／台灣語／台灣話」正式命名。

 

以上事實，與『「客語」及各原住民族語言也是台灣在地的語言』，沒有衝突、沒有扞格，因為專有名詞與一般名詞用法不同，因為世界上多的是這樣的例子。

 

客家朋友當中，有學養、有知識、有國際觀、知道歷史的人，可以出來阻止這些客家團體及朋友們被誤導而一直演出鬧劇嗎？

 

唉．．．好啦！我也是「參詳」、可以退一步的。如果真的要反對「台語」叫「台語」，請對全世界標準一致，我超尊重標準一致的人的（但討厭「雙重標準」）。

 

如果有人從現在開始，不管聽說讀寫都對外實踐且強烈主張要求：

 

不是「中文」，因為「中國」有數十個族群，要叫「標準化北京語」。

不是「國語」，因為我們「國」內有數十個族群，要叫「中華民國與中華人民共和國官話」。

不是「英語」，英格蘭也有其他族裔及語言好嗎！要叫「盎格魯．撒克遜語」。

不是「日語」，這太不尊重北海道的阿依努人及琉球人了！要叫「標準化東京語」。

等等等等．．．．

 

如果有人對全世界如此實踐並要求爭取改名！那好，那他就有資格要求「台語」不可以叫「台語」，至少他是個「標準一致」、「一體適用」的好傢伙！我敬佩他！

What’s in a Name? Revitalization of Taiwanese and the Misconceptions that Hinder it

 

Presented by Seng-hian Lau (National Taiwan Normal University) in the International Symposium on Research and Teaching of Endangered and Marginalized Languages in East and Southeast Asia. May 3 - 4, 2024, at UCLA.

The name of this language is a subject of dispute. In the movie Spirited Away (千と千尋の神隠し), the concept of "names" permeates the entire film, representing one's sense of self.

In magical contracts, surrendering one's name signifies relinquishing one's identity, erasing memories, and essentially ceding control over one's life. This is precisely what happened to the name of the language I am discussing now. Either under Japanese rule or after World War II, the results of different language surveys show that Taiwanese has been the lingua franca in Taiwan.

As seen in the 1915 survey, Taiwanese speakers comprised the majority of the population, and the language was spoken among different ethnic groups.^[1]

 

Even after this island was handed over to the KMT government following World War II, despite decades of severe language suppression under the Mandarin Only Policy,  The 2003 survey further demonstrates that Taiwanese remained the lingua franca.^[2]

 

Interestingly, few people are aware that the first newspaper published on the island was in Taiwanese.^[3]

Naming a language after the place where it is spoken as the lingua franca is a common practice worldwide. For example, according to the Chinese government's claim in 2005, there are 56 ethnic groups in China.^[4] In addition to the languages of these minority groups, the largest ethnic group, the Han people, also speak various Sinitic languages, including Hakka, Shanghainese, and Cantonese, among others. However, nobody disputes what the term "Chinese" refers to. When someone says, "I'm learning Chinese," you wouldn't ask them which specific Chinese language they are learning. Are they learning the Zhuang language spoken by the Zhuang people in Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region in Southern China or Hakka spoken by people in Southeastern China? Interestingly, there are individuals in Taiwan who intentionally argue about the designation of the language name "Taiwanese."

Anyway, it's hypocritical to refer to Taiwanese as Southern Min but feel comfortable calling the language I'm currently speaking as English instead of labeling it as Anglo-Saxon, isn't it?

Apart from survey results, the name 'Taiwanese' can also be found in historical literature and documents. For instance, in the year when Taiwan was handed over to the Japanese Empire by the Qing Empire, several Japanese individuals had already published books introducing the lingua franca of this island. These books include "Taiwango syu" (台灣語集) by Yuzuno Yasukazu (俁野保和), "Taiwan Dogo" (台灣土語) by Sano Naoki (佐野直記), and "Taiwango" (台灣語) by Tanai Yaokuman (田內八百久万). All of these books refer to the language as Taiwanese. In 1931, the Government-General of Taiwan published a dictionary called "Tai-ni Taijiden" (臺日大辭典). The title of the dictionary literally means Taiwanese-Japanese Comprehensive Dictionary, and its lexical items only include those of the island's lingua franca, which is the focus of this discussion. After World War II, the KMT government assumed control over Taiwan. Despite their efforts to eradicate all local languages and replace them with Mandarin Chinese, they were well aware of the language referred to as "Taiwanese." The KMT government also published books titled with the Mandarin term "Taiyu," which means Taiwanese.

 

The KMT government was well aware that appropriating the name of this language was crucial to their intent of suppressing it, as depicted in the movie "Spirited Away." In their efforts to destroy Taiwanese identity and assimilate Taiwan, the KMT government renamed the language as "Southern Min" or "Min Nan language" This renaming was exemplified in a newspaper article published on October 27, 1967 on the Economic Daily News. The article, titled "Announcement to Correct the Common Usage of 'Taiwanese' to 'Min Nan Language,' " stated the following:

The relevant authorities hereby announce that the commonly used terms 'Taiwanese' and 'Taiwanese language' should be corrected to 'Southern Min' and 'Min Nan language.' The authorities point out that the majority of Taiwan's residents come from the Fujian and Guangdong regions of China, and the languages they speak are Southern Min and Hakka. However, it is unclear when or why the general public and various media outlets began using the terms 'Taiwanese' and 'Taiwanese language' instead of 'Southern Min' or 'Hakka.' This is not only inaccurate but also has the potential for negative consequences. Referring to Southern Min as 'Taiwanese' erases the existence of Hakka, as many people in Taiwan also speak Hakka. Therefore, a correction must be made. The Government Information Office, Provincial News Office, and Municipal News Office have been instructed to promote this correction due to its prevalence in movies, radio, television, newspapers, and other media.

Take note of the lines that say: "This is not only inaccurate but also has the potential to cause negative consequences. Since many people in Taiwan speak Hakka in addition to Southern Min, referring to Southern Min as 'Taiwanese' erases the existence of Hakka." The KMT government, in its attempt to replace the lingua franca of this island with the language they brought to Taiwan, has been sowing discord among ethnic groups.

And this tactic is still employed by those who continue to oppose the use of the name 'Taiwanese' today. However, it is worth noting that this argument is only raised within Taiwan. Even Hakka is spoken in China, Indonesia, and Malaysia, yet I have never encountered anyone arguing that the language names, such as Chinese, Indonesian, and Malay, are problematic due to their lack of complete inclusivity.

Consequently, there are concerns regarding cultural hegemony, including the name dispute, particularly from certain ethnic groups, some within the Hakka community.

The effects of the KMT government's language policies can be seen in the mistaken idea and the underlying ideology behind it persist to this day.

Before the KMT government took control of Taiwan after World War II, Mandarin Chinese was not spoken on the island. During that time, people conversed in their respective ethnic languages and used Taiwanese as the lingua franca, alongside Japanese, which was promoted by the Japanese colonial government.

However, the lingua franca status of Taiwanese witnessed a significant decline due to the language policies implemented during the KMT's authoritarian rule under martial law after World War II. The KMT government actively promoted the use of Mandarin Chinese, to replace Taiwanese as the dominant language. Taiwanese was strictly prohibited in schools, media outlets, and public occasions. Students faced humiliation and fines for speaking Taiwanese at school. Publications in Taiwanese and other local languages were banned and strictly regulated. The KMT government's propaganda depicted the Taiwanese language as inferior, associated with the uneducated and the criminals.^[5] This ideology was deeply ingrained in people's minds through education and media channels.

Nowadays, most people in Taiwan are unaware that the first newspaper in Taiwan, Tâi-oân Kàu-hōe Kong-pò (‘Taiwan Church News’), was initially published in 1885 in Taiwanese. The newspaper continued to publish in Taiwanese during the Japanese colonial rule but was banned from printing in Taiwanese by the KMT government in 1969. (Klöter 2005:217)^[6] After decades of Mandarin-only policy, the ideology instilled by the KMT government has been internalized by the people in Taiwan.

 

Many individuals unconsciously avoid speaking Taiwanese in public settings. Even among those who converse in Taiwanese with their peers, they switch to Mandarin Chinese when talking to strangers and young people, including their own children and grandchildren. This is evident in the results of a survey that examined the language used by parents when communicating with their 3-year-old children, revealing Mandarin Chinese as the dominant family language.^[7] About ten years ago, only 22% of individuals in their twenties still spoke Taiwanese at home.^[8] The number of children who can speak the language is alarmingly low, and young kids who do not understand Taiwanese can be found throughout Taiwan.

Here are some posts I gathered on Facebook. Let me briefly summarize them for you. On the upper left, a frustrated Taiwanese teacher complains about how low her students' motivation is, even though she's tried many things to motivate them. On the lower left, an advocate shared a story about a woman who approached her after a talk. The woman confided that all her neighbors have stopped using Taiwanese with their children, even though she lives in the countryside of Southern Taiwan. On the right-hand side, a father from Tainan, a city in Southern Taiwan where Taiwanese speakers are supposedly abundant, describes his encounter at a park. He mentions his sons were playing with another girl when her grandmother, speaking Mandarin with a strong accent, reminded the girl to be careful. After hearing the father and sons conversing in Taiwanese, the girl said before leaving, "Actually, my father also speaks the language you speak."

And here’s an excerpt from a young author who translated Tagore’s Stray Birds into Taiwanese.^[9] You can find the English translation on the right-hand side. What she said depicts the language massacre that occurred between three generations.

The severity of the language suppression carried out by the KMT government becomes even more evident when compared to the Japanese colonial rule.

The language policy during the Japanese colonial period in Taiwan can be divided into three phases: the experimental period, the assimilation period, and the period of imperialization.^[10]

During the experimental period from 1895 to 1918, there was a gradual exploration of Japanese language instruction. In the assimilation period from 1919 to 1936, the focus shifted towards teaching Japanese in general education, reducing the use of Classical Chinese. Finally, in the period of imperialization from 1937 to 1945, the usage of Japanese language expanded further due to the war between China and Japan. The objectives of these policies were to popularize and promote the Japanese language through various means

Compared to the KMT government's language assimilation policy implemented after World War II, Japan's language policies during the early stages of ruling Taiwan were relatively lenient. Schools were allowed to teach Classical Chinese using Taiwanese and Hakka languages. Furthermore, unlike the KMT government, which conducted minimal research and use of the Taiwanese languages during the period of martial law, the Japanese colonial government invested resources and manpower in training police officers and officials to learn the Taiwanese language. They also conducted research and published textbooks and dictionaries. These materials and dictionaries remain important references in Taiwanese language studies to this day.^[11]

In recent years, Taiwan has witnessed a shift in identity from Chinese to Taiwanese identity.

We can see this from the long-term survey by NCCU. Presently, the majority of people in Taiwan identify themselves as Taiwanese rather than Chinese. In certain regions around the world, such identity shifts have been accompanied by a transition in language, from a non-native to their native language. However, Taiwan is more comparable to the South American nations that continue to use the language of the colonizers. (Anderson 2006:195-199)^[12] The majority of Taiwanese young people readily embrace Mandarin Chinese without any unease, as it is the language in which they have been brought up and educated.

Why do Taiwanese people show such little concern for their own language, even after the democratization of the island? One of the reasons lies in the misconceptions surrounding the status of the Taiwanese language. These misconceptions have perpetuated the KMT's historical practices of "demeaning" and "de-subjectifying" Taiwanese. This is evident in the ongoing debate regarding the name of the language I mentioned previously.

So, what are the misconceptions? The first one is the misconception that Taiwanese is merely a Chinese dialect. Furthermore, people wrongly believe that Taiwanese does not warrant independent treatment because it is considered a variant of Southern Min, which is also spoken in other regions such as China and Southeast Asia.

An objective criterion for distinguishing between languages and dialects is mutual intelligibility. Taiwanese and Mandarin Chinese are not mutually intelligible. Here are some comparisons of their phonology, vocabulary, and syntax.

In Mandarin Chinese, there are 21 consonants and 6 vowels, with a retroflex base. Mandarin consists of five tones, including the neutral tone. Notable aspects of Mandarin include tone sandhi, specifically the third tone tone sandhi, and the usage of "bu" and "yi".^[13] 

Taiwanese, on the other hand, comprises 15 consonants and 6 vowels. Unlike Mandarin, Taiwanese includes syllables ending with unreleased stops and the nasal bilabial sound. Taiwanese consists of nine tones, including high rising tones commonly found in loanwords, as well as a neutral tone. In contrast to Chinese, Taiwanese exhibits extensive tone sandhi, with each tone having a corresponding sandhi tone.^[14]

When it comes to vocabulary, Ong 2002 studied the cognates between Mandarin and Amoy, which is another variety of Southern Min mutually intelligible with Taiwanese. He noted that the percentage of cognates between English and German, both Germanic languages, is higher than the percentage of cognates between Amoy and Mandarin.^[15] Many individuals in Taiwan mistakenly believe that Taiwanese only differs from Mandarin in terms of pronunciation, which is totally wrong.

In terms of syntax, Taiwanese has its own distinctive characteristics. For instance, Taiwanese utilizes negators differently from Mandarin. Only in Taiwanese is obligatory object fronting required with certain verbal compounds. Additionally, there are unique sentence patterns in Taiwanese, such as evaluative verbal reduplication and the event control construction.

Overall, it is not surprising that these two languages are not mutually intelligible.

I am aware that the term "dialect" is sometimes used politically with a negative connotation, referring to non-national languages that hold a socially and politically subordinate status to the country's official language. However, Taiwanese has now been recognized as one of the national languages in Taiwan, as stated in the Development of National Languages Act in 2018. The Ministry of Education has also standardized its orthography. While the government and the people in Taiwan may still have a predominantly Mandarin-centric perspective, legally and politically, Taiwanese should no longer be considered a dialect.

There is another common misconception that Taiwanese is merely a colloquial language. In reality, Taiwanese has been written and used in publications for over a hundred years. It was the language used in the first newspaper in Taiwan, and there have been thousands of publications, including a medical textbook, monographs, and creative writings like novels.^[16] The reason this misconception persists is because Taiwanese writing was never taught in schools until recently.

With all the facts, the Ministry of Education and certain individuals in Taiwan still insist on referring to this language as Southern Min or Min Nan. Interestingly, this is the exact name given by the KMT government during the martial law period to replace its original name, Taiwanese. 

Do you remember the movie Spirited Away? This misnomer itself poses a hindrance to the revitalization of Taiwanese. The term 'Southern Min' encompasses a group of language varieties, including Amoy, Quanzhou, Zhangzhou, Chaozhou in China, Lán-lâng-uē, Penang Hokkien, and others spoken in Southeastern Asia, along with Taiwanese spoken in Taiwan. Some of these varieties are not even mutually intelligible.

If Amoy and other Southern Min varieties can have their own distinct names, such as Lán-lâng-uē being used to refer to the variety spoken in the Philippines, why can't Taiwanese be called Taiwanese? Isn't this a double standard?

In fact, according to a survey conducted in 2020, Tâi-gí or Tâi-uân-uē, literally meaning Taiwanese language, is the name by which most people in Taiwan refer to this language.^[17] Continuing to use the term employed by the previous regime would undermine the people's identity and disregard the historical fact that this language serves as the natural lingua franca of the island. It would overlook the uniqueness of this language and its inseparable connection to Taiwanese culture, traditional arts, place names, and linguistic representation. Without Taiwanese, the essence of Taiwanese culture, history, traditional arts, and many place names would be lost.

Ask foreigners who have a profound understanding of Taiwan, and they will acknowledge that it is Taiwanese, not Mandarin Chinese, that historically and culturally represents Taiwan.^[18] Ask a westerner whether he or she can distinguish Korean culture from Chinese culture only through festivals, architecture, and clothings. It’s always the language that plays a vital role. The misnomer "Southern Min" is to diminish the distinctiveness and identity of Taiwanese culture and history.

 

However, most Taiwanese people, educated without this language and those historical facts, can’t even recognize Taiwanese Romanization. Here is a Facebook post from a Japanese actor named Tanaka Chie. She wrote in Taiwanese and it says ‘now I can understand more when listening to Taiwanese. But it’s not easy to speak in this language. I’ll keep on working on it. Good morning. Have a nice day.’ See what these Taiwanese people commented below on the right-hand side? They said: it’s Vietnamese. Or it’s Thai. And Miss Tanaka, a Japanese who is learning Taiwanese, replied below: It’s Taiwanese. This highlights the challenge of Taiwanese language recognition.

Now let’s move on to the efforts made for revitalizing this language.

The progress made so far in revitalizing Taiwanese includes granting it a legal status as one of the national languages, its inclusion in school curricula, and a significant increase in publications and creative works following its standardization.

Since the lifting of martial law in the 1980s, activists have persistently advocated against Chinese dominance through continuous efforts in teaching, publishing, and advocating for the legal recognition of Taiwanese and other Taiwanese languages. After decades of campaigning, the Taiwan government enacted the Development of National Languages Act in 2018.

However, the deep-seated contempt towards this language still remains, and Chinese continues to enjoy a privileged and monopolized high language status on the island. While the law calls for the conservation of endangered Taiwanese local languages, it lacks any penalties or deadlines. In conclusion, the Development of National Languages Act is a significant milestone but has not brought about any fundamental changes.

Since 2003, 40 minutes per week have been allocated in the curriculum of elementary schools for teaching Taiwan languages. The course on Taiwan languages was also introduced into the curriculum of junior and senior high schools in 2023. However, the hours are so limited: 40 minutes per week in elementary schools, 50 minutes per week in the first two years in junior high schools, and 50 minutes per week in one of the three years in senior high schools. Also, we have parents and teachers who do not care about these courses, as these courses are not directly related to college or university applications. Furthermore, the lack of language usage environment at home or school, combined with the limited hours of instruction that treats Taiwanese just like a foreign language, also results in minimal impact. While most public transportation systems now broadcast in Taiwanese due to legal requirements, facing inquiries in Taiwanese, clerks often serve and respond in Mandarin.

In 2006, the Ministry of Education in Taiwan announced the official romanization system for Taiwanese. Since the Ministry’s first approved edition of the online Dictionary was released in 2011, Taiwanese writing, whether in roman script or using Chinese characters, has been standardized.

Moreover, the government organizes writing competitions in Taiwanese periodically and provides subsidies for the publication of creative works, including videos and music. There has been an increase in the number of books, dramas, and movies produced in Taiwanese. Additionally, a language proficiency test is regularly conducted, with thousands of people taking the exam each time. However, the Mandarin-dominant environment persists. Mandarin continues to be the sole medium of instruction, the default language for government operations and ceremonies. The deeply ingrained mindset of defaulting to Mandarin is prevalent. Even coworkers and friends who can speak Taiwanese often unconsciously converse in Mandarin. Grandparents, parents, or close friends who do speak Taiwanese themselves tend to switch to Mandarin when speaking to their grandchildren, sons, and daughters. Only a few people pass on Taiwanese to the next generation. If this situation remains unchanged, Taiwanese will cease to be spoken within approximately 30 years, disappearing with the generations of people who still speak it.

Currently, people in Taiwan are allowed to choose a spelling for their name on their passport other than Mandarin. However, do they choose to spell and pronounce their name in Taiwanese or their ethnic language? Do they opt to spell and pronounce their children's names in Taiwanese? Only a few people do so. This reflects the prevalence of the Mandarin-only and default mindset in Taiwan society after decades of language suppression under KMT rule.

While government policies and public awareness are crucial, individual and community-driven initiatives are also essential for language revitalization. As an author and language advocate, I have been involved in several projects to promote Taiwanese. Briefly speaking, I’m an author of several books, I co-edited a Taiwanese textbook for senior high schools, and I’m leading a team developing a gamified Taiwanese learning website.

Prior to my research and lectures on Taiwanese at universities, I worked at the Li-kang Khioh Taiwanese Foundation from 2007 to 2017. During this time, I served as the editor of a Taiwanese periodical and actively participated in activities promoting and revitalizing the language. Not only am I a language advocate, but I also engage in creative writing in Taiwanese. I have published two collections of novellas in Taiwanese.

I have been involved in the administration of the Taiwanese language proficiency test and have also been working on a project to create an online grammar database. Since the beginning of 2023, I have delivered 20 talks about Taiwanese both online and at various locations throughout Taiwan.

Here are the covers of the periodical that prints the  poems, prose, short stories, and novels in Taiwanese contributed by various writers. I had been editing it for 10 years. The periodical is the longest running one among its peers and it’s still in publication.^[19]

And these are my two collections of novellas and short stories written in Taiwanese.^[20]

I am not only participating in the administration of the Taiwanese language proficiency test but also served as the co-editor of a Taiwanese textbook for senior high schools. We tried to make a textbook with not only modern content but also an intriguing cover that appeals to teenagers.^[21]

Due to my concerns regarding misconceptions that hinder the revitalization of Taiwanese, I have published three books. One of these books is a topic-based Taiwanese grammar book written in Chinese.^[22] It is specifically designed for individuals who do not read Taiwanese and have limited knowledge of the language. In this book, I dispel the misunderstanding that Taiwanese is a dialect and highlight the distinctive features of Taiwanese grammar from a cross-linguistic perspective, particularly those that differentiate it from Mandarin.

Afterward, I wrote a learning and teaching book titled 'Superb Taiwanese Primer' in English.^[23] This book is utilized in the course 'Basic Taiwanese for International Students.' Additionally, I hope that this book can present a modern and international image for the language, helping to dispel the derogatory and devaluing perception that some individuals in Taiwan hold.

Recently, I published another book, a popular science fiction work.^[24] As a syntactician working within formal theoretical frameworks, I have encountered numerous intriguing features of Taiwanese that can contribute to typology and linguistic theories. However, both the syntactic theories and the unique features of Taiwanese are not widely known in society. To bridge this gap, I attempted to merge these two aspects and present them within a story. I also hope that the lens of popular science can encourage people to reimagine Taiwanese.

As part of a sub-project sponsored by the Ministry of Education, I have been leading a team in the development of a gamified Taiwanese learning website. You can scan the QR code to access the website. Our plan is to offer interfaces in both English and Japanese. Currently, the English interface is accomplished with the question bank containing over a thousand questions. Once again, my intention is to reshape the perception of this language, which is why I created an international learning website to enhance the visibility of Taiwanese.

To conclude this talk, I would like to summarize the main obstacles hindering the revitalization of Taiwanese. From a political standpoint, the democratization process in Taiwan has not involved any institutional overhaul. The historical language suppression and the Mandarin default policy have never been systematically reviewed or corrected. Economically, due to the continued Mandarin default setting at the political level, Mandarin retains its cultural dominance, with its cultural capital reproducing, and keeping on marginalizing local languages, including Taiwanese. In the field of education, students have inherited the implanted ideology taught in schools and passed down by their elders, leading to a widespread disregard for the language.^[25] Mandarin still remains the sole medium of instruction in classrooms, with the exception of English as a Medium of Instruction and a few isolated cases of Taiwanese as a Medium of Instruction in only several universities.

 How endangered is this language? Here are some statistics from the report by the Ministry of Culture and a survey on languages conducted in 2020. According to the criteria set by UNESCO, it is evident that Taiwanese is in a definitely endangered state. The negative attitudes towards Taiwanese and the prevalence of misleading ideologies have deeply permeated the minds of Taiwanese people, resulting in families ceasing to pass on their heritage languages to their children.

In a book published in 1995, Huang claims that Taiwanese speakers comprise 73.3% of the island's population.^[26] Quite a significant number. Nevertheless, people in Taiwan have stopped actively using or passing on the language, and that is what frustrates me the most.

To be more specific about this frustration, it stems from the mindset of parents and the deeply ingrained negative attitudes towards the Taiwanese language. Statistics show that the language is rarely transmitted to younger generations, putting it at risk of endangerment, as you can see in the diagrams. (Yap 2017:81)^[27]

Are Taiwanese people aware of this? The Professor Huang Kun-huei Education Foundation conducted a survey in March, revealing that 68.4% of people in Taiwan are aware that Taiwanese languages are in danger.^[28] However, the percentage of speakers who frequently use their mother tongue decreases with age. Less than half of individuals between the ages of 20 and 34 still use Taiwanese as their primary language, and the situation is even bleaker for teenagers.

 

Interestingly, 93.9% of people believe that speaking Taiwanese with their children is an effective way for them to acquire the language. However, 67.5% of respondents acknowledge that their children do not speak Taiwanese, with the main reason being that the language is not spoken within the family.

All of this contributes to the greatest challenge: people have low expectations for the language, and they are not concerned about its gradual decline. In fact, I am skeptical of people's definition of being able to speak Taiwanese. Given their contempt and the limited usage of the language, individuals are typically satisfied with learning simple phrases and sentences. Many who claim to speak Taiwanese are not even capable of delivering a 5-minute speech entirely in Taiwanese on a topic such as their hobbies.

If my previous assessment is accurate, the reality of the situation, in contrast to the survey results, is even more disheartening. The prospects for the Taiwanese language are far from optimistic, particularly given the significant decline in young speakers, especially among children. Moving forward, our focus should be on promoting Taiwanese among young people and children, tailoring our efforts to their interests and needs. We must highlight the drawbacks of a Mandarin-only society, challenge the prevailing negative perceptions for Taiwanese, and break free from the mindset of Mandarin as the default language. We need to foster a strong connection between Taiwanese identity and the Taiwanese language. Moreover, the Taiwan government should implement new policies that offer economic incentives to eliminate the hierarchical distinction between languages, facilitate the use of Taiwanese as the medium of instruction in schools and as the language for official occasions and ceremonies, and allocate more resources to the endangered Taiwanese languages, shifting away from the Mandarin default setting.

In conclusion, revitalizing and preserving the Taiwanese language requires collective efforts and a fundamental shift in attitudes and policies. By actively promoting Taiwanese among the younger generation, challenging the dominance of Mandarin, and implementing supportive measures, we can secure a future where the Taiwanese language thrives and flourishes once again.

---

^[1] The 1915 National Survey by the Government-General of Taiwan. (1915年臺灣總督府國勢調查)

^[2] Zhang, Jian-ru (張鑑如). 2019. Early Childhood Development Survey Database Construction Project: 36-month Group First Wave 36-month (D00168) [Raw Data] Source: Academia Sinica Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences Research Center, Survey Research Center, Academic Survey Research Database (幼兒發展調查資料庫建置計畫:36月齡組第一波36月齡(D00168)【原始數據】取自中央研究院人文社會科學研究中心調查研究專題中心學術調查研究資料庫。) doi:10.6141/TW-SRDA-D00168-2

^[3] Chang, Der-Ling (張德麟). 2015. History of Taiwanese Roman Scripts POJ (白話字發展史).

Journal of Taiwanese Vernacular Volume 7 Issue 2 (2015/09) Pp. 4-26.

^[4] See https://tinyurl.com/2abuhfhx

^[5] Pan, Yi-hsien & Liu, Cheng-yuan (潘逸嫻、劉正元). 2020, Visual Representation of Taiwanese and an Analysis of Language Use: A Case Study of Movie Trailers in 2015 (影像中的台語形象再現與語言使用分析：以2015年電影預告片為例). Monumenta Taiwanica Issue 19 (2020/04) Pp. 91-127

^[6]. Klöter, Henning. 2005. Written Taiwanese. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 9783447050937.

^[7] Zhang, Jian-ru (張鑑如). 2019. Early Childhood Development Survey Database Construction Project: 36-month Group First Wave 36-month (D00168) [Raw Data] Source: Academia Sinica Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences Research Center, Survey Research Center, Academic Survey Research Database (幼兒發展調查資料庫建置計畫:36月齡組第一波36月齡(D00168)【原始數據】取自中央研究院人文社會科學研究中心調查研究專題中心學術調查研究資料庫。) doi:10.6141/TW-SRDA-D00168-2

^[8] 2013 Taiwan Social Change Survey conducted by the Academia Sinica

^[9] Un, Jiok-kiau (温若喬). 2023. Stray Birds: Taiwanese Translation (浪鳥集：泰戈爾《漂鳥集》台文版). Taipei: Jiuge Publishing Company (九歌出版社). ISBN：9789864505289

^[10] Chiu, Min-jie (邱敏捷). 1998. Implementation and Impact of Language Policy in Taiwan During Japanese Colonial Rule (日治時期臺灣語言政策的實施及影響). Kaohsiung City: Cultural Affairs Commission (高雄市文獻委員會).

^[11] Ang, Ui-jin (洪惟仁). 1993. Compilation of Classic Minnan Dictionaries (閩南語經典辭書彙編). Taipei: Wuling Publishing Company (武陵出版社). ISBN13：9789573506140

^[12] Anderson, Benedict. 2006. Imagined Communities. Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. Revised Edition. London: Verso.

^[13] Chao, Y-R. (1938). Mandarin Primer: An Intensive Course in Spoken Chinese. London: Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.

^[14] Yang, Hsiao-fang (楊秀芳). 1991. Introduction to the Grammar of Taiwan Minnan Language (臺灣閩南語語法稿). Taipei: Da An Publishing Company (大安出版社). ISBN：9579233284

^[15] Ong, Iok-tek. 2002. A Discussion of the Divergence Dates of Five Major Chinese Dialects Based on Glottochronology (從語言年代學試論中國五大方言分裂年代). In The Volume for Studies on Hokkien (福建語研究卷; ISBN：9789578013537) from The Collected Works of Ong Iok-tek (王育德全集). Taipei: Avanguard Publishing House.

^[16] Png, Iau-khian (方耀乾). 2012. A History and Bibliography of Taiwanese Literature (台語文學史暨書目彙編). Taipei: Taiwan Wen Hui Publishing Company (台灣文薈出版). ISBN: 9789868843509.

^[17] The Survey on the Endangered National Languages in 2020, Ministry of Culture, Taiwan. 85% of the native speakers use this term, in contrast to 15% who call the language Minnan language. This survey result is not included in the publicized survey report. (Ho Sin-han 2024 Personal communication)

^[18] Refer to https://english.cw.com.tw/article/article.action?id=3582

^[19] The periodical named Tâi-bûn Thong-sìn Bóng-pò (台文通訊Bong報) is published by the Li Kang, Khioh Taiwanese Foundation.

^[20] Lau, Seng-hian. 2018 Huan-sin. Huan-sin (翻身 · 番身). Tainan: Daoxiang Taiwanese Studio. ISBN: 9789869570329.

Lau, Seng-hian. 2008 Tò-tńg：Voyu Taokara Lâu Tâi-gí Té-phinn Siáu-suat-tsi̍p (倒轉：Voyu Taokara Lâu台語短篇小說集) [Tò-tńg: Collection of Taiwanese Short Stories by Voyu Taokara Lâu]，Taipei: Li-kang Khioh Taiwanese Foundation. ISBN: 9789868246027

^[21]  Lau, Seng-hian & Li, Bi-chhin (eds.) 2022. Taiwanese Textbook for Senior High Schools (高級中等學校本土語文（閩南語文）). Taipei: Kiwi Fruit Studio. ISBN: 9786269536054

^[22]  Lau, Seng-hian. 2022. Yǔyán Xuéjiā Jiěpò Táiyǔ (語言學家解破台語). Taipei: Bacon Press. ISBN: 9789869093828

^[23] Lau, Seng-hian. 2023. Superb Taiwanese Primer. Taipei: National Taiwan Normal University Press. ISBN: 9789865624897

^[24] Lau, Seng-hian. 2024. Yǔzhòu Cháng zài Zì-lǐ-háng-jiān, A-má hàn Wǒ jiù le Yí ge Wàixīngrén (宇宙藏在字裡行間，A-má 和我救了一個外星人). Taipei: Kiwi Fruit Studio. ISBN: 9786269708963

^[25] Su,Huang-Lan (蘇凰蘭). 2019. Wandering at the Crossroad Between Language Maintenance and

Language Shift—A Survey on Language Attitudes Toward Taigi Among 3rd-9th Graders in Taiwan. Journal of Taiwanese Languages and Literature (臺灣語文研究) Volume 14 Issue 1, Pp.81-119. DOI: 10.6710/JTLL.201904_14(1).0003

^[26] Huang, Shuan Fan (黃宣範). 1995. Yǔyán, Shèhuì yǔ Zhúcún Yìshì (語言、社會與族群意識). Taipei: Crane Publishing Co. (文鶴出版有限公司). ISBN: 9789579463300

^[27] Yap, Ko-Hua (葉高華). 2017. Táiwān Mínzhòng de Jiātíng Yǔyàn Xuǎnzhé (臺灣民眾的家庭語言選擇). Taiwanese Journal of Sociology (臺灣社會學刊). 62:59-111

^[28] Refer to https://hkh-edu.com/nwes2024/0329-news.html