What’s in a Name? Revitalization of Taiwanese and the Misconceptions that Hinder it

 

Presented by Seng-hian Lau (National Taiwan Normal University) in the International Symposium on Research and Teaching of Endangered and Marginalized Languages in East and Southeast Asia. May 3 - 4, 2024, at UCLA.

The name of this language is a subject of dispute. In the movie Spirited Away (千と千尋の神隠し), the concept of "names" permeates the entire film, representing one's sense of self.

In magical contracts, surrendering one's name signifies relinquishing one's identity, erasing memories, and essentially ceding control over one's life. This is precisely what happened to the name of the language I am discussing now. Either under Japanese rule or after World War II, the results of different language surveys show that Taiwanese has been the lingua franca in Taiwan.

As seen in the 1915 survey, Taiwanese speakers comprised the majority of the population, and the language was spoken among different ethnic groups.^[1]

 

Even after this island was handed over to the KMT government following World War II, despite decades of severe language suppression under the Mandarin Only Policy,  The 2003 survey further demonstrates that Taiwanese remained the lingua franca.^[2]

 

Interestingly, few people are aware that the first newspaper published on the island was in Taiwanese.^[3]

Naming a language after the place where it is spoken as the lingua franca is a common practice worldwide. For example, according to the Chinese government's claim in 2005, there are 56 ethnic groups in China.^[4] In addition to the languages of these minority groups, the largest ethnic group, the Han people, also speak various Sinitic languages, including Hakka, Shanghainese, and Cantonese, among others. However, nobody disputes what the term "Chinese" refers to. When someone says, "I'm learning Chinese," you wouldn't ask them which specific Chinese language they are learning. Are they learning the Zhuang language spoken by the Zhuang people in Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region in Southern China or Hakka spoken by people in Southeastern China? Interestingly, there are individuals in Taiwan who intentionally argue about the designation of the language name "Taiwanese."

Anyway, it's hypocritical to refer to Taiwanese as Southern Min but feel comfortable calling the language I'm currently speaking as English instead of labeling it as Anglo-Saxon, isn't it?

Apart from survey results, the name 'Taiwanese' can also be found in historical literature and documents. For instance, in the year when Taiwan was handed over to the Japanese Empire by the Qing Empire, several Japanese individuals had already published books introducing the lingua franca of this island. These books include "Taiwango syu" (台灣語集) by Yuzuno Yasukazu (俁野保和), "Taiwan Dogo" (台灣土語) by Sano Naoki (佐野直記), and "Taiwango" (台灣語) by Tanai Yaokuman (田內八百久万). All of these books refer to the language as Taiwanese. In 1931, the Government-General of Taiwan published a dictionary called "Tai-ni Taijiden" (臺日大辭典). The title of the dictionary literally means Taiwanese-Japanese Comprehensive Dictionary, and its lexical items only include those of the island's lingua franca, which is the focus of this discussion. After World War II, the KMT government assumed control over Taiwan. Despite their efforts to eradicate all local languages and replace them with Mandarin Chinese, they were well aware of the language referred to as "Taiwanese." The KMT government also published books titled with the Mandarin term "Taiyu," which means Taiwanese.

 

The KMT government was well aware that appropriating the name of this language was crucial to their intent of suppressing it, as depicted in the movie "Spirited Away." In their efforts to destroy Taiwanese identity and assimilate Taiwan, the KMT government renamed the language as "Southern Min" or "Min Nan language" This renaming was exemplified in a newspaper article published on October 27, 1967 on the Economic Daily News. The article, titled "Announcement to Correct the Common Usage of 'Taiwanese' to 'Min Nan Language,' " stated the following:

The relevant authorities hereby announce that the commonly used terms 'Taiwanese' and 'Taiwanese language' should be corrected to 'Southern Min' and 'Min Nan language.' The authorities point out that the majority of Taiwan's residents come from the Fujian and Guangdong regions of China, and the languages they speak are Southern Min and Hakka. However, it is unclear when or why the general public and various media outlets began using the terms 'Taiwanese' and 'Taiwanese language' instead of 'Southern Min' or 'Hakka.' This is not only inaccurate but also has the potential for negative consequences. Referring to Southern Min as 'Taiwanese' erases the existence of Hakka, as many people in Taiwan also speak Hakka. Therefore, a correction must be made. The Government Information Office, Provincial News Office, and Municipal News Office have been instructed to promote this correction due to its prevalence in movies, radio, television, newspapers, and other media.

Take note of the lines that say: "This is not only inaccurate but also has the potential to cause negative consequences. Since many people in Taiwan speak Hakka in addition to Southern Min, referring to Southern Min as 'Taiwanese' erases the existence of Hakka." The KMT government, in its attempt to replace the lingua franca of this island with the language they brought to Taiwan, has been sowing discord among ethnic groups.

And this tactic is still employed by those who continue to oppose the use of the name 'Taiwanese' today. However, it is worth noting that this argument is only raised within Taiwan. Even Hakka is spoken in China, Indonesia, and Malaysia, yet I have never encountered anyone arguing that the language names, such as Chinese, Indonesian, and Malay, are problematic due to their lack of complete inclusivity.

Consequently, there are concerns regarding cultural hegemony, including the name dispute, particularly from certain ethnic groups, some within the Hakka community.

The effects of the KMT government's language policies can be seen in the mistaken idea and the underlying ideology behind it persist to this day.

Before the KMT government took control of Taiwan after World War II, Mandarin Chinese was not spoken on the island. During that time, people conversed in their respective ethnic languages and used Taiwanese as the lingua franca, alongside Japanese, which was promoted by the Japanese colonial government.

However, the lingua franca status of Taiwanese witnessed a significant decline due to the language policies implemented during the KMT's authoritarian rule under martial law after World War II. The KMT government actively promoted the use of Mandarin Chinese, to replace Taiwanese as the dominant language. Taiwanese was strictly prohibited in schools, media outlets, and public occasions. Students faced humiliation and fines for speaking Taiwanese at school. Publications in Taiwanese and other local languages were banned and strictly regulated. The KMT government's propaganda depicted the Taiwanese language as inferior, associated with the uneducated and the criminals.^[5] This ideology was deeply ingrained in people's minds through education and media channels.

Nowadays, most people in Taiwan are unaware that the first newspaper in Taiwan, Tâi-oân Kàu-hōe Kong-pò (‘Taiwan Church News’), was initially published in 1885 in Taiwanese. The newspaper continued to publish in Taiwanese during the Japanese colonial rule but was banned from printing in Taiwanese by the KMT government in 1969. (Klöter 2005:217)^[6] After decades of Mandarin-only policy, the ideology instilled by the KMT government has been internalized by the people in Taiwan.

 

Many individuals unconsciously avoid speaking Taiwanese in public settings. Even among those who converse in Taiwanese with their peers, they switch to Mandarin Chinese when talking to strangers and young people, including their own children and grandchildren. This is evident in the results of a survey that examined the language used by parents when communicating with their 3-year-old children, revealing Mandarin Chinese as the dominant family language.^[7] About ten years ago, only 22% of individuals in their twenties still spoke Taiwanese at home.^[8] The number of children who can speak the language is alarmingly low, and young kids who do not understand Taiwanese can be found throughout Taiwan.

Here are some posts I gathered on Facebook. Let me briefly summarize them for you. On the upper left, a frustrated Taiwanese teacher complains about how low her students' motivation is, even though she's tried many things to motivate them. On the lower left, an advocate shared a story about a woman who approached her after a talk. The woman confided that all her neighbors have stopped using Taiwanese with their children, even though she lives in the countryside of Southern Taiwan. On the right-hand side, a father from Tainan, a city in Southern Taiwan where Taiwanese speakers are supposedly abundant, describes his encounter at a park. He mentions his sons were playing with another girl when her grandmother, speaking Mandarin with a strong accent, reminded the girl to be careful. After hearing the father and sons conversing in Taiwanese, the girl said before leaving, "Actually, my father also speaks the language you speak."

And here’s an excerpt from a young author who translated Tagore’s Stray Birds into Taiwanese.^[9] You can find the English translation on the right-hand side. What she said depicts the language massacre that occurred between three generations.

The severity of the language suppression carried out by the KMT government becomes even more evident when compared to the Japanese colonial rule.

The language policy during the Japanese colonial period in Taiwan can be divided into three phases: the experimental period, the assimilation period, and the period of imperialization.^[10]

During the experimental period from 1895 to 1918, there was a gradual exploration of Japanese language instruction. In the assimilation period from 1919 to 1936, the focus shifted towards teaching Japanese in general education, reducing the use of Classical Chinese. Finally, in the period of imperialization from 1937 to 1945, the usage of Japanese language expanded further due to the war between China and Japan. The objectives of these policies were to popularize and promote the Japanese language through various means

Compared to the KMT government's language assimilation policy implemented after World War II, Japan's language policies during the early stages of ruling Taiwan were relatively lenient. Schools were allowed to teach Classical Chinese using Taiwanese and Hakka languages. Furthermore, unlike the KMT government, which conducted minimal research and use of the Taiwanese languages during the period of martial law, the Japanese colonial government invested resources and manpower in training police officers and officials to learn the Taiwanese language. They also conducted research and published textbooks and dictionaries. These materials and dictionaries remain important references in Taiwanese language studies to this day.^[11]

In recent years, Taiwan has witnessed a shift in identity from Chinese to Taiwanese identity.

We can see this from the long-term survey by NCCU. Presently, the majority of people in Taiwan identify themselves as Taiwanese rather than Chinese. In certain regions around the world, such identity shifts have been accompanied by a transition in language, from a non-native to their native language. However, Taiwan is more comparable to the South American nations that continue to use the language of the colonizers. (Anderson 2006:195-199)^[12] The majority of Taiwanese young people readily embrace Mandarin Chinese without any unease, as it is the language in which they have been brought up and educated.

Why do Taiwanese people show such little concern for their own language, even after the democratization of the island? One of the reasons lies in the misconceptions surrounding the status of the Taiwanese language. These misconceptions have perpetuated the KMT's historical practices of "demeaning" and "de-subjectifying" Taiwanese. This is evident in the ongoing debate regarding the name of the language I mentioned previously.

So, what are the misconceptions? The first one is the misconception that Taiwanese is merely a Chinese dialect. Furthermore, people wrongly believe that Taiwanese does not warrant independent treatment because it is considered a variant of Southern Min, which is also spoken in other regions such as China and Southeast Asia.

An objective criterion for distinguishing between languages and dialects is mutual intelligibility. Taiwanese and Mandarin Chinese are not mutually intelligible. Here are some comparisons of their phonology, vocabulary, and syntax.

In Mandarin Chinese, there are 21 consonants and 6 vowels, with a retroflex base. Mandarin consists of five tones, including the neutral tone. Notable aspects of Mandarin include tone sandhi, specifically the third tone tone sandhi, and the usage of "bu" and "yi".^[13] 

Taiwanese, on the other hand, comprises 15 consonants and 6 vowels. Unlike Mandarin, Taiwanese includes syllables ending with unreleased stops and the nasal bilabial sound. Taiwanese consists of nine tones, including high rising tones commonly found in loanwords, as well as a neutral tone. In contrast to Chinese, Taiwanese exhibits extensive tone sandhi, with each tone having a corresponding sandhi tone.^[14]

When it comes to vocabulary, Ong 2002 studied the cognates between Mandarin and Amoy, which is another variety of Southern Min mutually intelligible with Taiwanese. He noted that the percentage of cognates between English and German, both Germanic languages, is higher than the percentage of cognates between Amoy and Mandarin.^[15] Many individuals in Taiwan mistakenly believe that Taiwanese only differs from Mandarin in terms of pronunciation, which is totally wrong.

In terms of syntax, Taiwanese has its own distinctive characteristics. For instance, Taiwanese utilizes negators differently from Mandarin. Only in Taiwanese is obligatory object fronting required with certain verbal compounds. Additionally, there are unique sentence patterns in Taiwanese, such as evaluative verbal reduplication and the event control construction.

Overall, it is not surprising that these two languages are not mutually intelligible.

I am aware that the term "dialect" is sometimes used politically with a negative connotation, referring to non-national languages that hold a socially and politically subordinate status to the country's official language. However, Taiwanese has now been recognized as one of the national languages in Taiwan, as stated in the Development of National Languages Act in 2018. The Ministry of Education has also standardized its orthography. While the government and the people in Taiwan may still have a predominantly Mandarin-centric perspective, legally and politically, Taiwanese should no longer be considered a dialect.

There is another common misconception that Taiwanese is merely a colloquial language. In reality, Taiwanese has been written and used in publications for over a hundred years. It was the language used in the first newspaper in Taiwan, and there have been thousands of publications, including a medical textbook, monographs, and creative writings like novels.^[16] The reason this misconception persists is because Taiwanese writing was never taught in schools until recently.

With all the facts, the Ministry of Education and certain individuals in Taiwan still insist on referring to this language as Southern Min or Min Nan. Interestingly, this is the exact name given by the KMT government during the martial law period to replace its original name, Taiwanese. 

Do you remember the movie Spirited Away? This misnomer itself poses a hindrance to the revitalization of Taiwanese. The term 'Southern Min' encompasses a group of language varieties, including Amoy, Quanzhou, Zhangzhou, Chaozhou in China, Lán-lâng-uē, Penang Hokkien, and others spoken in Southeastern Asia, along with Taiwanese spoken in Taiwan. Some of these varieties are not even mutually intelligible.

If Amoy and other Southern Min varieties can have their own distinct names, such as Lán-lâng-uē being used to refer to the variety spoken in the Philippines, why can't Taiwanese be called Taiwanese? Isn't this a double standard?

In fact, according to a survey conducted in 2020, Tâi-gí or Tâi-uân-uē, literally meaning Taiwanese language, is the name by which most people in Taiwan refer to this language.^[17] Continuing to use the term employed by the previous regime would undermine the people's identity and disregard the historical fact that this language serves as the natural lingua franca of the island. It would overlook the uniqueness of this language and its inseparable connection to Taiwanese culture, traditional arts, place names, and linguistic representation. Without Taiwanese, the essence of Taiwanese culture, history, traditional arts, and many place names would be lost.

Ask foreigners who have a profound understanding of Taiwan, and they will acknowledge that it is Taiwanese, not Mandarin Chinese, that historically and culturally represents Taiwan.^[18] Ask a westerner whether he or she can distinguish Korean culture from Chinese culture only through festivals, architecture, and clothings. It’s always the language that plays a vital role. The misnomer "Southern Min" is to diminish the distinctiveness and identity of Taiwanese culture and history.

 

However, most Taiwanese people, educated without this language and those historical facts, can’t even recognize Taiwanese Romanization. Here is a Facebook post from a Japanese actor named Tanaka Chie. She wrote in Taiwanese and it says ‘now I can understand more when listening to Taiwanese. But it’s not easy to speak in this language. I’ll keep on working on it. Good morning. Have a nice day.’ See what these Taiwanese people commented below on the right-hand side? They said: it’s Vietnamese. Or it’s Thai. And Miss Tanaka, a Japanese who is learning Taiwanese, replied below: It’s Taiwanese. This highlights the challenge of Taiwanese language recognition.

Now let’s move on to the efforts made for revitalizing this language.

The progress made so far in revitalizing Taiwanese includes granting it a legal status as one of the national languages, its inclusion in school curricula, and a significant increase in publications and creative works following its standardization.

Since the lifting of martial law in the 1980s, activists have persistently advocated against Chinese dominance through continuous efforts in teaching, publishing, and advocating for the legal recognition of Taiwanese and other Taiwanese languages. After decades of campaigning, the Taiwan government enacted the Development of National Languages Act in 2018.

However, the deep-seated contempt towards this language still remains, and Chinese continues to enjoy a privileged and monopolized high language status on the island. While the law calls for the conservation of endangered Taiwanese local languages, it lacks any penalties or deadlines. In conclusion, the Development of National Languages Act is a significant milestone but has not brought about any fundamental changes.

Since 2003, 40 minutes per week have been allocated in the curriculum of elementary schools for teaching Taiwan languages. The course on Taiwan languages was also introduced into the curriculum of junior and senior high schools in 2023. However, the hours are so limited: 40 minutes per week in elementary schools, 50 minutes per week in the first two years in junior high schools, and 50 minutes per week in one of the three years in senior high schools. Also, we have parents and teachers who do not care about these courses, as these courses are not directly related to college or university applications. Furthermore, the lack of language usage environment at home or school, combined with the limited hours of instruction that treats Taiwanese just like a foreign language, also results in minimal impact. While most public transportation systems now broadcast in Taiwanese due to legal requirements, facing inquiries in Taiwanese, clerks often serve and respond in Mandarin.

In 2006, the Ministry of Education in Taiwan announced the official romanization system for Taiwanese. Since the Ministry’s first approved edition of the online Dictionary was released in 2011, Taiwanese writing, whether in roman script or using Chinese characters, has been standardized.

Moreover, the government organizes writing competitions in Taiwanese periodically and provides subsidies for the publication of creative works, including videos and music. There has been an increase in the number of books, dramas, and movies produced in Taiwanese. Additionally, a language proficiency test is regularly conducted, with thousands of people taking the exam each time. However, the Mandarin-dominant environment persists. Mandarin continues to be the sole medium of instruction, the default language for government operations and ceremonies. The deeply ingrained mindset of defaulting to Mandarin is prevalent. Even coworkers and friends who can speak Taiwanese often unconsciously converse in Mandarin. Grandparents, parents, or close friends who do speak Taiwanese themselves tend to switch to Mandarin when speaking to their grandchildren, sons, and daughters. Only a few people pass on Taiwanese to the next generation. If this situation remains unchanged, Taiwanese will cease to be spoken within approximately 30 years, disappearing with the generations of people who still speak it.

Currently, people in Taiwan are allowed to choose a spelling for their name on their passport other than Mandarin. However, do they choose to spell and pronounce their name in Taiwanese or their ethnic language? Do they opt to spell and pronounce their children's names in Taiwanese? Only a few people do so. This reflects the prevalence of the Mandarin-only and default mindset in Taiwan society after decades of language suppression under KMT rule.

While government policies and public awareness are crucial, individual and community-driven initiatives are also essential for language revitalization. As an author and language advocate, I have been involved in several projects to promote Taiwanese. Briefly speaking, I’m an author of several books, I co-edited a Taiwanese textbook for senior high schools, and I’m leading a team developing a gamified Taiwanese learning website.

Prior to my research and lectures on Taiwanese at universities, I worked at the Li-kang Khioh Taiwanese Foundation from 2007 to 2017. During this time, I served as the editor of a Taiwanese periodical and actively participated in activities promoting and revitalizing the language. Not only am I a language advocate, but I also engage in creative writing in Taiwanese. I have published two collections of novellas in Taiwanese.

I have been involved in the administration of the Taiwanese language proficiency test and have also been working on a project to create an online grammar database. Since the beginning of 2023, I have delivered 20 talks about Taiwanese both online and at various locations throughout Taiwan.

Here are the covers of the periodical that prints the  poems, prose, short stories, and novels in Taiwanese contributed by various writers. I had been editing it for 10 years. The periodical is the longest running one among its peers and it’s still in publication.^[19]

And these are my two collections of novellas and short stories written in Taiwanese.^[20]

I am not only participating in the administration of the Taiwanese language proficiency test but also served as the co-editor of a Taiwanese textbook for senior high schools. We tried to make a textbook with not only modern content but also an intriguing cover that appeals to teenagers.^[21]

Due to my concerns regarding misconceptions that hinder the revitalization of Taiwanese, I have published three books. One of these books is a topic-based Taiwanese grammar book written in Chinese.^[22] It is specifically designed for individuals who do not read Taiwanese and have limited knowledge of the language. In this book, I dispel the misunderstanding that Taiwanese is a dialect and highlight the distinctive features of Taiwanese grammar from a cross-linguistic perspective, particularly those that differentiate it from Mandarin.

Afterward, I wrote a learning and teaching book titled 'Superb Taiwanese Primer' in English.^[23] This book is utilized in the course 'Basic Taiwanese for International Students.' Additionally, I hope that this book can present a modern and international image for the language, helping to dispel the derogatory and devaluing perception that some individuals in Taiwan hold.

Recently, I published another book, a popular science fiction work.^[24] As a syntactician working within formal theoretical frameworks, I have encountered numerous intriguing features of Taiwanese that can contribute to typology and linguistic theories. However, both the syntactic theories and the unique features of Taiwanese are not widely known in society. To bridge this gap, I attempted to merge these two aspects and present them within a story. I also hope that the lens of popular science can encourage people to reimagine Taiwanese.

As part of a sub-project sponsored by the Ministry of Education, I have been leading a team in the development of a gamified Taiwanese learning website. You can scan the QR code to access the website. Our plan is to offer interfaces in both English and Japanese. Currently, the English interface is accomplished with the question bank containing over a thousand questions. Once again, my intention is to reshape the perception of this language, which is why I created an international learning website to enhance the visibility of Taiwanese.

To conclude this talk, I would like to summarize the main obstacles hindering the revitalization of Taiwanese. From a political standpoint, the democratization process in Taiwan has not involved any institutional overhaul. The historical language suppression and the Mandarin default policy have never been systematically reviewed or corrected. Economically, due to the continued Mandarin default setting at the political level, Mandarin retains its cultural dominance, with its cultural capital reproducing, and keeping on marginalizing local languages, including Taiwanese. In the field of education, students have inherited the implanted ideology taught in schools and passed down by their elders, leading to a widespread disregard for the language.^[25] Mandarin still remains the sole medium of instruction in classrooms, with the exception of English as a Medium of Instruction and a few isolated cases of Taiwanese as a Medium of Instruction in only several universities.

 How endangered is this language? Here are some statistics from the report by the Ministry of Culture and a survey on languages conducted in 2020. According to the criteria set by UNESCO, it is evident that Taiwanese is in a definitely endangered state. The negative attitudes towards Taiwanese and the prevalence of misleading ideologies have deeply permeated the minds of Taiwanese people, resulting in families ceasing to pass on their heritage languages to their children.

In a book published in 1995, Huang claims that Taiwanese speakers comprise 73.3% of the island's population.^[26] Quite a significant number. Nevertheless, people in Taiwan have stopped actively using or passing on the language, and that is what frustrates me the most.

To be more specific about this frustration, it stems from the mindset of parents and the deeply ingrained negative attitudes towards the Taiwanese language. Statistics show that the language is rarely transmitted to younger generations, putting it at risk of endangerment, as you can see in the diagrams. (Yap 2017:81)^[27]

Are Taiwanese people aware of this? The Professor Huang Kun-huei Education Foundation conducted a survey in March, revealing that 68.4% of people in Taiwan are aware that Taiwanese languages are in danger.^[28] However, the percentage of speakers who frequently use their mother tongue decreases with age. Less than half of individuals between the ages of 20 and 34 still use Taiwanese as their primary language, and the situation is even bleaker for teenagers.

 

Interestingly, 93.9% of people believe that speaking Taiwanese with their children is an effective way for them to acquire the language. However, 67.5% of respondents acknowledge that their children do not speak Taiwanese, with the main reason being that the language is not spoken within the family.

All of this contributes to the greatest challenge: people have low expectations for the language, and they are not concerned about its gradual decline. In fact, I am skeptical of people's definition of being able to speak Taiwanese. Given their contempt and the limited usage of the language, individuals are typically satisfied with learning simple phrases and sentences. Many who claim to speak Taiwanese are not even capable of delivering a 5-minute speech entirely in Taiwanese on a topic such as their hobbies.

If my previous assessment is accurate, the reality of the situation, in contrast to the survey results, is even more disheartening. The prospects for the Taiwanese language are far from optimistic, particularly given the significant decline in young speakers, especially among children. Moving forward, our focus should be on promoting Taiwanese among young people and children, tailoring our efforts to their interests and needs. We must highlight the drawbacks of a Mandarin-only society, challenge the prevailing negative perceptions for Taiwanese, and break free from the mindset of Mandarin as the default language. We need to foster a strong connection between Taiwanese identity and the Taiwanese language. Moreover, the Taiwan government should implement new policies that offer economic incentives to eliminate the hierarchical distinction between languages, facilitate the use of Taiwanese as the medium of instruction in schools and as the language for official occasions and ceremonies, and allocate more resources to the endangered Taiwanese languages, shifting away from the Mandarin default setting.

In conclusion, revitalizing and preserving the Taiwanese language requires collective efforts and a fundamental shift in attitudes and policies. By actively promoting Taiwanese among the younger generation, challenging the dominance of Mandarin, and implementing supportive measures, we can secure a future where the Taiwanese language thrives and flourishes once again.

---

^[1] The 1915 National Survey by the Government-General of Taiwan. (1915年臺灣總督府國勢調查)

^[2] Zhang, Jian-ru (張鑑如). 2019. Early Childhood Development Survey Database Construction Project: 36-month Group First Wave 36-month (D00168) [Raw Data] Source: Academia Sinica Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences Research Center, Survey Research Center, Academic Survey Research Database (幼兒發展調查資料庫建置計畫:36月齡組第一波36月齡(D00168)【原始數據】取自中央研究院人文社會科學研究中心調查研究專題中心學術調查研究資料庫。) doi:10.6141/TW-SRDA-D00168-2

^[3] Chang, Der-Ling (張德麟). 2015. History of Taiwanese Roman Scripts POJ (白話字發展史).

Journal of Taiwanese Vernacular Volume 7 Issue 2 (2015/09) Pp. 4-26.

^[4] See https://tinyurl.com/2abuhfhx

^[5] Pan, Yi-hsien & Liu, Cheng-yuan (潘逸嫻、劉正元). 2020, Visual Representation of Taiwanese and an Analysis of Language Use: A Case Study of Movie Trailers in 2015 (影像中的台語形象再現與語言使用分析：以2015年電影預告片為例). Monumenta Taiwanica Issue 19 (2020/04) Pp. 91-127

^[6]. Klöter, Henning. 2005. Written Taiwanese. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 9783447050937.

^[7] Zhang, Jian-ru (張鑑如). 2019. Early Childhood Development Survey Database Construction Project: 36-month Group First Wave 36-month (D00168) [Raw Data] Source: Academia Sinica Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences Research Center, Survey Research Center, Academic Survey Research Database (幼兒發展調查資料庫建置計畫:36月齡組第一波36月齡(D00168)【原始數據】取自中央研究院人文社會科學研究中心調查研究專題中心學術調查研究資料庫。) doi:10.6141/TW-SRDA-D00168-2

^[8] 2013 Taiwan Social Change Survey conducted by the Academia Sinica

^[9] Un, Jiok-kiau (温若喬). 2023. Stray Birds: Taiwanese Translation (浪鳥集：泰戈爾《漂鳥集》台文版). Taipei: Jiuge Publishing Company (九歌出版社). ISBN：9789864505289

^[10] Chiu, Min-jie (邱敏捷). 1998. Implementation and Impact of Language Policy in Taiwan During Japanese Colonial Rule (日治時期臺灣語言政策的實施及影響). Kaohsiung City: Cultural Affairs Commission (高雄市文獻委員會).

^[11] Ang, Ui-jin (洪惟仁). 1993. Compilation of Classic Minnan Dictionaries (閩南語經典辭書彙編). Taipei: Wuling Publishing Company (武陵出版社). ISBN13：9789573506140

^[12] Anderson, Benedict. 2006. Imagined Communities. Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. Revised Edition. London: Verso.

^[13] Chao, Y-R. (1938). Mandarin Primer: An Intensive Course in Spoken Chinese. London: Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.

^[14] Yang, Hsiao-fang (楊秀芳). 1991. Introduction to the Grammar of Taiwan Minnan Language (臺灣閩南語語法稿). Taipei: Da An Publishing Company (大安出版社). ISBN：9579233284

^[15] Ong, Iok-tek. 2002. A Discussion of the Divergence Dates of Five Major Chinese Dialects Based on Glottochronology (從語言年代學試論中國五大方言分裂年代). In The Volume for Studies on Hokkien (福建語研究卷; ISBN：9789578013537) from The Collected Works of Ong Iok-tek (王育德全集). Taipei: Avanguard Publishing House.

^[16] Png, Iau-khian (方耀乾). 2012. A History and Bibliography of Taiwanese Literature (台語文學史暨書目彙編). Taipei: Taiwan Wen Hui Publishing Company (台灣文薈出版). ISBN: 9789868843509.

^[17] The Survey on the Endangered National Languages in 2020, Ministry of Culture, Taiwan. 85% of the native speakers use this term, in contrast to 15% who call the language Minnan language. This survey result is not included in the publicized survey report. (Ho Sin-han 2024 Personal communication)

^[18] Refer to https://english.cw.com.tw/article/article.action?id=3582

^[19] The periodical named Tâi-bûn Thong-sìn Bóng-pò (台文通訊Bong報) is published by the Li Kang, Khioh Taiwanese Foundation.

^[20] Lau, Seng-hian. 2018 Huan-sin. Huan-sin (翻身 · 番身). Tainan: Daoxiang Taiwanese Studio. ISBN: 9789869570329.

Lau, Seng-hian. 2008 Tò-tńg：Voyu Taokara Lâu Tâi-gí Té-phinn Siáu-suat-tsi̍p (倒轉：Voyu Taokara Lâu台語短篇小說集) [Tò-tńg: Collection of Taiwanese Short Stories by Voyu Taokara Lâu]，Taipei: Li-kang Khioh Taiwanese Foundation. ISBN: 9789868246027

^[21]  Lau, Seng-hian & Li, Bi-chhin (eds.) 2022. Taiwanese Textbook for Senior High Schools (高級中等學校本土語文（閩南語文）). Taipei: Kiwi Fruit Studio. ISBN: 9786269536054

^[22]  Lau, Seng-hian. 2022. Yǔyán Xuéjiā Jiěpò Táiyǔ (語言學家解破台語). Taipei: Bacon Press. ISBN: 9789869093828

^[23] Lau, Seng-hian. 2023. Superb Taiwanese Primer. Taipei: National Taiwan Normal University Press. ISBN: 9789865624897

^[24] Lau, Seng-hian. 2024. Yǔzhòu Cháng zài Zì-lǐ-háng-jiān, A-má hàn Wǒ jiù le Yí ge Wàixīngrén (宇宙藏在字裡行間，A-má 和我救了一個外星人). Taipei: Kiwi Fruit Studio. ISBN: 9786269708963

^[25] Su,Huang-Lan (蘇凰蘭). 2019. Wandering at the Crossroad Between Language Maintenance and

Language Shift—A Survey on Language Attitudes Toward Taigi Among 3rd-9th Graders in Taiwan. Journal of Taiwanese Languages and Literature (臺灣語文研究) Volume 14 Issue 1, Pp.81-119. DOI: 10.6710/JTLL.201904_14(1).0003

^[26] Huang, Shuan Fan (黃宣範). 1995. Yǔyán, Shèhuì yǔ Zhúcún Yìshì (語言、社會與族群意識). Taipei: Crane Publishing Co. (文鶴出版有限公司). ISBN: 9789579463300

^[27] Yap, Ko-Hua (葉高華). 2017. Táiwān Mínzhòng de Jiātíng Yǔyàn Xuǎnzhé (臺灣民眾的家庭語言選擇). Taiwanese Journal of Sociology (臺灣社會學刊). 62:59-111

^[28] Refer to https://hkh-edu.com/nwes2024/0329-news.html

關於「原住vs.外來」的標準

今早看到一篇關於外來入侵種的討論，有人討論到最後，就說出「人類是地球的入侵種」、「漢人是台灣的外來種」這樣的推論了，我在想，這些想法，值得「左」標以外更進一步的驗證。

這其中，我先把「消滅人類這外來種」先擱在一邊，也先把「漢人」的定義擱在一邊（所謂的漢人有不同的語言及文化差異，如何視為一體？），先來想想「台灣原住民」這部份。

首先，「漢人是台灣的外來種」，這句話相對於「台灣原住民」此一概念來說，是淺顯易懂的，用大白話說就是：「人家已經先住在那裡了，你又跑過去住，所以你不是原住民喔！」既然不是原住民，那麼用「外來種」來做修辭，自然令人印象深刻。

只不過，上一段的定義，恐怕不夠嚴謹，試想：「人家已經先住在那裡了，你又跑過去住，所以你不是原住民，是外來種喔！」這個定義，最大的作用就是「分化」，任何群體只要被套上了，那就會被析離出一群又一群，不伊於胡底而不止，即使是套用在「台灣原住民」之上，這樣的作用仍然！

怎麼說？因為台灣原住民（台灣南島語族），正是以其多元聞名於世，即使是台灣原住民，也有「來台先後」的時間差。

以下引自中研院的資料（https://twstudy.iis.sinica.edu.tw/preHistory/part3.html）

學者進一步推測，台灣的南島語族並非同時渡台，而是至少分五批遷移：最早來的是泰雅族、鄒族，時間大約是距今6500年前；最晚的雅美族，則在500年前才從菲律賓的巴丹島移居。

根據以上的渡台時間差，再套用前面的「原住民vs.外來種」定義，只怕我們要得出以下結論了：「只有泰雅族、鄒族是原住民，阿美族、卑南族、賽夏族、布農族、排灣族等等...全都是『外來種』。」

等等！你以為這樣就結束了嗎？不，這定義還沒讓「泰雅族、鄒族」決勝負呢！請問：根據定義，泰雅族與鄒族，孰為原住民，孰為外來種？

如果你以為上面的一對一對決後就結束了，那你又錯了，還記得嗎？此一定義的分化析離作用不伊於胡底絕不終止；來來來，鄒族的情況待查，但很多人都知道泰雅族基本上像個泛稱，裡頭還有分群，要不要也套上定義一決泰雅諸群體之間「原住vs.外來」之別？

「不可能！」聰明的你要說了，「那些分群很有可能是渡台後繁衍分派的結果。」

沒錯，但，如果是好幾個家庭或家族攜同渡台呢？要不要再套上定義，看看是哪個家族或哪位女祖或男祖的腳先踏上台灣島的呢？

講到這裡，大概很多人要怒了，認為我就是要來為「台灣的非原住民」洗白的，認為我想靠著上面那條定義來搞分化（但那條大家習以為常的定義本身明明分化作用超強，如上些例子），搞到最後沒有人有資格稱自己是原住民，所以所有的外來者就都可以把「外來者」的標籤從身上撕下來了。

不，我如果有這樣的想法，那我應該要從現在開始，質疑「台灣原住民」一詞的指涉內涵，一如我對所謂「漢人」的定義與指涉感到懷疑一樣。

但我對「台灣原住民」的指稱對象並無懷疑，台灣當然有原住民，而且就是我們所知道的那些族群。

我進行這項討論的目的，一如文首，是對帶有強烈「分化析離作用的原住民定義」進行檢視，當我們要進行任何主張時，務必要先看看主張背後的定義及脈絡，要不然，一個定義用到最後，只怕我們想要的界定依然未明，卻先分化析離得極為成功了。

老實說我應該就停在這裡了，不過，因為預知大家在重思「原住民」定義時，可能會遇到哪些問題，所以就不憚煩地先大概提一下。

如果我們對於「台灣原住民」所指涉的族群具有共識，那麼我們該怎麼面對—「原住民也有渡台先後，但都是原住民」，而「後於原住民來台者，就不是原住民」—這樣套套邏輯的破綻？

或許有人要說：很簡單呀！非原住民來台後，侵佔原住民土地，並對原住民進行殺戳！

以上這固然是無可辯駁的史實，只不過，若要採用這條內容來修改「原住民」的定義，恐怕也要考慮一下原住民內部的情況，畢竟原住民除了有來台先後之別，原住民不同的族與群之間，相互攻伐、獵頭也是史實，如何區隔後來人群對原住民的壓迫，與原住民不同族、群之間的彼此爭競、壓迫，這當然不能又是一句「因為他們是原住民」來帶過了（聰明的讀者應該看出來了，這又是個套套邏輯）。

就我淺薄的認知，我所能做到外來移民的區別，恐怕只有「連同體制、機構、軍隊等政權型態的移民」與非屬前者的「移民」的區分，前者是我們都知道的「殖民」，後者則分先後，有「原住民」跟「非原住民」之分。

很抱歉的是，我這篇對定義的檢驗，宥於個人程度有限、對文獻了解不足，並沒有辦法提出答案，我所能做的只是「檢驗」，提醒任何喜歡正義的朋友（包括我自己），要不時回頭想一想自己「為什麼」這麼說，「根據」的是什麼，因為這是任何人的正義可以長久立足的根基。

畢竟，我們都不樂於看到（至少我假設啦），有任何正義之士，一邊用太膚淺的定義把人貼上「外來」的標籤，一邊又大力支持歐洲外來移民的權益；仔細想想，不矛盾嗎？

說到這裡，其實已經有些些苗頭出現了不是嗎？我們該支持、扶助的「標準」，有時候不在於「時間先後」，而在於「擁有資源及社經力量」的「強弱」，濟弱扶傾，停止對「強」的任何資源挹注，並對過去的受壓迫者進行恢復與補償，這大概是我目前能想到的其中一個重點。

另一個該思考的重點是：「不是原住民」不等於就是「外來者（種）」。問題可能遠比簡單二分更複雜得多。

當然，上述討論僅限於「移民」，至於「殖民」（如果我們在定義上有共識），我沒有為其辯護的一丁點意圖。

———非「原住」＝「外來」？之追伸————

被說「非原住」可以大方承認，但被稱來「外來」就不好受了，因為「外來」一詞除了有「不認同本地」、「暫居」的意涵，還可以聯想到生物學上的「外來入侵種」，這些「外來入侵種」之所以恐怖，在於其會消滅在地的物種，使生態多樣性消失。

但設想，若是一個物種已在此出現上千年（以族群或語言比附如：阿美語）、數百年（像是泛稱四百年的台語或也是數百年的客語），其後，雖然生存競爭、搶奪資源的狀況繼續，不過其他的物種仍在，並沒有因此滅絕，那麼，此種情況絕不應與下述情形混為一談。

不該與什麼情形混為一談呢？就是有一個物種全身披掛，無差別地進行他種擊殺，也不過才出現五十年，其他的物種就都面臨存續危機，到七十年，這個外來物種已經把所有的地盤、場域、巢穴幾乎完全佔據，其他的物種則分處於去了半條命、氣若游絲、與已經斷氣的情況，這，才是恐怖的外來種，這，才是沙文。

回顧歷史，台語可從來不曾沙文過，沙文是華語的專長。

這也是文章一開始我反對含混的稱「漢人」的另一個原因。

咱欲愛有台語台

有客家台 有原民台
咱欲愛有台語台

記者會新聞稿

日期：2018年12月20日
時間：10:00~10:30
地點：立法院中興大樓101會議室
主辦：催生台語公共電視台聯盟

2017年由34個團體發起之「催生台語公共電視台聯盟」提出訴求，要求政府重視台語的文化傳承，盡速成立台語公共電視台。引起社會熱烈討論，並得到全台255個團體連署支持，取得立法院共71位立法委員的連署支持。可見社會對此議題期待的程度。經過一年多的努力，欣聞文化部已著手進行，預計以補助公視基金會設立之台語頻道先行，計劃明年年中開播，並已編列新台幣４億元專案預算。期能儘早讓台語得到遲來的公平對待。

然而12月17日立法院教育文化委員會中，部份委員因對此議題知之不明進而連署將此預算擱置。聯盟深感震驚之餘，為使立法院教育文化委員會能不負全國人民期待做出正確判斷，本聯盟於下針對委員們的質疑一一提出反駁。

首先必須說明，我們訴求中的電視台是一個概稱。在現代網路的時代，當然可以用任何型式的傳播媒介呈現。但必須是一個獨立的傳播機構。因為我們要求此機構必須以台語為主體思考 ，必須確保節目內容多元性，並且必須確保節目品質。這些都必須是一個有獨立台性、具有公共電視特性的傳播機構才能做得到的。客家台和原民台在過去幾年，都已經證明如此。

　　部份委員們的質疑歸納為：台語頻道的必要性以及台語頻道的名稱。以下一一澄清：

一.台語頻道的必要性

台語是否為瀕危語言？

台語是否為瀕危語言並非單憑個人感覺可推定，聯合國教育科學及文化組織（UNESCO）瀕危語言專家小組在已出版的《世界瀕危語言地圖》（Atlas of the World’s Languages in Danger）中了提供九項指標予以衡量。以第一項「跨世代語言傳承」指標為例，共分為六個等級：「安全、脆弱、確定瀕危、嚴重瀕危、極度瀕危、死亡」。依此量表，台語已進入第四等級「嚴重瀕危：只有祖父母或更老的輩份使用，父母不一定會說，也不會跟小孩說」。 雖然許多人認為台語佔台灣人口７０％，但若依此衡量台語早已無法滿足前三個等級：「安全：語言使用者不分年齡，且跨世代沒有阻礙。／脆弱：仍有多數小孩會說，但僅限於某些語言領域使用，如家中。／確定瀕危：小孩已無法在家中像學習母語一樣學習該語言。」未來，若台語使用者僅限於祖父母或更年長輩份，而且他們不常說或只會說一點點時，台語就進入「極度瀕危」的等級；而下一個等級就是「死亡」。

有客家台有原民台，卻不能有台語台？

台灣在過去的政治環境下各種本土語言皆遭受打壓。如今於積重難返的華語霸權環境下，各本土語言盡皆瀕危復振困難。不止台語，客語及原民語都遇到同樣的困難。為復振客語及原民語，政府早已投入資源立法。而世界人權宣言及人權公約都主張各族群「有權以自己的語言建立自己的傳播媒介」。為落實客語及原民語的傳播權，政府已設有專門的電視台及廣播電台：客語有「客家電視台」、「客家廣播電台」；原住民語也有專門的「原住民電視台」、「原民廣播電台」。只有台語是沒有獨立播放的頻道。這就是不公平的歧視。站在文化平權的角度看，政府必須消弭這個歧視。

為何不採補助方式？

專屬頻道比起由政府補助商業台製作節目，更能獨立運作。不易成為另一種形式的置入。這也是公共電視的精神，保障不受政治因素干預。而若採補助案自然會隨著主政者異動而變動。這也是客家台及原民台要爭取專法保障的原因。透過專門的台語頻道運作，才能培養更多台語影視人才，擴大人才庫及市場。避免讓原本創造力豐富的獨立製片、導演或傳播公司等，陷入與擁有頻道之商業電視台競爭或遭其剝削的困境，也不致因忙於得標後的行政程序，而無力專心於創作，由此節目品質方能獲得保障，也始能強化對母語文化的認同，進而擴大市場。

有了台語台，就能復振台語？

當然這不是必然。復振台語需要更多方面的努力。然而國際上許多的研究都指出，語言能否傳承，擁有以該語言發音的幼兒及青少年節目是很重要的。而要目前以華語為主要發音且以商業市場為考量的商業電視台投入製播，顯然是非常困難。除了幼兒及青少年節目以外，全方位的多元節目也是語言復振的要項。這都必須有公共電視台台性的媒體投入。



二.台語頻道的名稱

台語是閩南語？

閩南是中國福建南部。台灣並不是中國福建南部，當然台語就不該稱為閩南語。實際上在中國福建南部，有許多種語言。例如廈門話、不同的泉州話、各種漳州話、客家話...這些語言，有些與台語相通（如：廈門話），但也有一些是與台語互相無法溝通的。

由此可知，以「閩南語」來指稱「台語」，並不恰當。更有甚者，「台語/台灣話」一詞，百年來已經約定俗成，故意以「閩南話」來替代，難道不是血淋淋「去台灣化」的政治操作，既不可取，也無必要。

台語稱為「台語」，符合全世界語言命名的通例，一向，以地名為語言命名的，指的就是當地最大語族、最具代表性的語言。

法國境內，有四十多種在地語言，但何嘗有人質疑「法語」的指涉？日本國內有愛努語及琉球語，不過「日本語」就只明明白白用來指稱一個語言，沒有人會覺得奇怪，何以，「台語」做為台灣在地最大語族、且又是最具代表性的語言專有名詞，卻屢遭挑釁？

言者又有謂：「台語既與廈門話相通，憑什麼自行稱為台語？」問這問題的人，如果懂得放眼國際，也就不會庸人自擾了。東南亞的馬來西亞所説的馬來話，與印尼所說的印尼話，兩者根本可以通話無礙，又何曾有人去質疑為何各立名號？歐洲的克羅埃西亞語與塞爾維亞語，彼此溝通無阻，但各執一個名字，又有誰說不可？

台語憑什麼是台語？

台灣是一個多語社會。台語是其中的一個語言，是一個專有名詞。然而，近年來有許多人將專有名詞及統稱做了混淆，似是而非觀念亟需澄清。舉例來說，台灣有許多大學，包括台灣大學、清華大學、淡江大學...等，但是台灣大學只有一所。並不會有其他台灣的大學群起抗議說大家都是台灣大學，因為台灣大學就是一個專有名詞。再舉例，台灣的南部有很多城市。包括台南、高雄、屏東,，但是叫做台南的城市就只有一個，並不會有其他台灣南部的城市群起抗議說大家都是台南，畢竟，台南就是一個專有名詞。同理，台灣是一個多語社會，有許多語言，包括台語，客語，原民各族語，而台語，就是一個專有名詞。使用台語這個稱呼，就如同上述諸多例子一樣，並沒有排除其他台灣各語言的問題。

在人權中有一個概念是，族群/個人本身有權利依照自己的意願取名，其他族群/個人不應強迫他族/他人使用其非自願使用之稱呼。客家人自己認同母語名稱叫做「客家話」，以及原住民認同自己原本的原住民語稱呼，都受到應有尊重和祝福，台語人自然也該有此權利，更何況強迫其他族群改名，本就是違反人權的惡行。

而台語被使用者本身稱呼為台語，是無庸置疑的。從歷史上來看「台語」這個名稱是自日治時期開始。甚至到戰後一直都還沿用「台語」，例如：台灣省國語推行委員會在 1955 年出版的《臺語方音符號》和國防部在 1958 年出版，由蔣介石故總統任內曾親筆批准的《注音臺語會話》一書，也都稱呼這語言為「台語」。

最後，我們響應並支持文化部長鄭麗君的倡見：「文化實為加法。唯有台灣本土各族群語言攜手突破目前華語霸權的態勢，方能回復台灣多元多語社會的欣欣向榮。」


出席名單:

台語正常化推動聯盟召集人 許慧盈
台灣南社副秘書長 陳豐惠
台灣公民參與協會理事長 何宗勳
台灣北社社長 李川信
台灣教師聯盟理事長 蕭曉玲
李江却台語文教基金會董事長 邱文錫
台灣基督長老教會總會台灣族群母語推行委員會台語組召集人 陳金泉
鄭南榕基金會董事 鄭清華
鄭南榕基金會執行長 涂之堯
台灣女性影像學會 理事 林珮菁
時代力量智庫副執行長 彭盛韶
基進黨副秘書長林春妙
自由台灣黨 蔡丁貴
前國大代表 楊文彬
牛埔庄講義所委員 王淑卿
劉重義教授
林宜靜女士
洪郁翔先生
台北水噹噹姊妹聯盟
打狗囡仔台語共學團
台語路鬥陣行台語共學團
台語囡仔共學團
對囡仔講台語（臉書社團）
牽囡仔ê手 行台語ê路（臉書粉絲專頁）

Who did this?

The working Saturday today began surprisingly. I found all the things in the storage compartment of my scooter were taken out and scattered on the ground, except for the helmet, which was put on the scooter next to mine.

Who did this? A thief? A mischievous kid? I did curse when I parked my scooter yesterday evening because the scooter that was not parked well on the right side was such a parking obstacle. Could it be the case such that the owner was not far from me and accidentally overheard my cursing him/her?

Whoever he/she is, there's nothing easier than opening the compartment whose lock is out of order. I just don't care much for I never put anything valuable in it.

Now I begin to worry, whereas I don't even know what I should do. Should I fix the lock and lock the compartment properly since then? We all know that a standard lock would not stop a practiced thief.

Since my scooter looks quite old and worn, no way would the thief, if he/she is a thief, intentionally target mine. One possibility is that the thief tried to open the compartments of all the scooters in the lane to see whether there were any unlocked and scoured the opened one for anything valuable.

I just hope this won't happen anymore.

改變

毋免T老師講，我嘛知影家己有較大箍，毋過，我一點仔都無要意啊！

若欲有通揀，一項是像以早瘦瘦、身材實櫼實櫼，毋過一堆毛病；閣一項是變較大箍，毋過風疼、痔瘡、睏袂好勢、起凊瘼...等等一大捾講會了袂盡的症頭攏總好去，免講我嘛甘願大箍無要緊！無遐的病疼佮欠點來觸纏，日子有偌爾仔爽神恁敢知？

爽神甲我愛煩惱家己會親像祖師爺講的「爛瘡一下好，就袂記得疼。」有影，這站仔練功，時間無以早遐長，真害。

毋但身體規个有較好，精神嘛較定著，暗時睏，袂閣驚東驚西矣。

講這个袂驚，我個人捌有三款經歷。

頭一款，是猶信耶穌的時，心內若有驚惶，就祈禱佮唱歌呵咾主，將家己交佇上帝手裡，相信上帝有相佮佇咧，保護照顧，這乎，有時有效，有時陣是家己咧騙家己，無講攏有路用。

閣一款是上蓋bái的向時，啥物都毋信，嘛因為按呢，啥物都毋驚，橫直人肉鹹鹹，欲哺做伊來。咱老實講，這嘛毋是袂驚，這是存範死加鐵齒。

啊若這站仔的毋驚，是有影袂驚矣，檢采是身體較好，心嘛得著安搭，氣有較沉，嘛毋知愛驚啥，這才是正港的平安。

啊這个平安，嘛是予我本底漚kóo的身體好起來的形意拳仝時予我的另外一項禮物。

昨暗，閣聽著L老師舊症頭夯起來咧慒心，啥物工課都袂做得，我想，伊最近睏定著嘛閣佮進前仝款，歹睏去矣！伊信上帝信甲遐迷，毋過數十冬過矣，煞連身體、心理都顧袂好勢。

Tann我共伊的上帝講sa-ió-ná-lah了後，總算揣著「有應效、無嘐潲」的寶貝，聽老師教，家己好好仔練就有改變，實拄實的方法，敢有人嘛欲來試看覓？

『功過並陳』ê嘐潲話

用聽--ê （聽錄音）

《促進轉型正義條例》三讀通過了後，中國國民黨kap in一寡黨員ê發言，譀其kua to有影。

啥mih發言--leh？針對《促進轉型正義條例》beh消除台灣「威權統治時期」ê象徵，害死tsiok濟人、mā hōo真濟人冤枉坐監ê蔣介石，伊ê烏人、用伊ê名來號名ê學校、路名，lóng beh檢討，中國國民黨ê回應suah是「要求將伊ê功勞kap罪過hē做伙看」，中國國民黨ê立委陳學聖，甚至tī質詢ê時，要求官員舉三件蔣介石爸仔囝bat做ê好代--出-來。

Án-ne講，kám tio̍h？

Tio̍h iah m̄-tio̍h，檢采ài看所在。踮台灣，ē-sái hōo人án-ne畫烏漆白teh替蔣介石掩護，m̄-koh，kap蔣介石仝款實行獨裁統治、刣死kap迫害tsiânn濟人ê Hitler(『希特勒』)，做你去歐洲kā掩護看māi，真濟歐洲國家lóng立法禁止「替Hitler kap Nazi黨圓話」；踮德國，攑Nazi符號、呵咾Hitler kap講Nazi無大屠殺是犯法--ê；事實上，今年8--月，tsiah拄拄有兩个中國遊客，tī德國行Hitler款式ê禮，了後hōo德國警察khok--去。

Lán若照中國國民黨ê講法，德國kap hit寡歐洲國家mā siunn拗蠻--ah！Beh講Hitler，kám m̄免「將伊ê功勞kap罪過hē做伙看」？就親像in一寡人逐不時呵咾姓蔣--ê對台灣有tsit个貢獻koh hit个貢獻，品講伊mā是有做好ê一面，我講，真歹勢，若beh講貢獻，姓蔣--ê koh輸Hitler--leh！啊若Hiter因為做ê歹代極惡，無資格hông替伊講話kā伊呵咾，án-ne，姓蔣--ê是幾分ê螺絲，hia-ê人是憑啥mih beh替伊抹粉？

無，咱下跤就隨來算看Hitler ê功勞按怎？

Hitler peh起ê年代，德國因為第一次大戰戰輸，ài賠天霸王kuân ê賠償金，有偌kuân？因為金額太大--ah，uì簽條約開始算，按算ài還一百冬tsiah還ē得了。無米koh拄著閏月，kan-kan-á二O年代世界經濟崩敗，德國是無錢koh揹重債，人民kap政府lóng艱苦罪kuà，hit-tang-tsūn德國ê失業率做一下tshìng kuân到15%，sì-kuè是有路無厝倒leh餓ê散赤人，規个國家是án-ne淒慘落魄，落魄悽慘。

咱lóng知影Hitler極gâu演講，就是伊鼓勵德國人ài有信心，重頭建立對德國ê光榮感，伊m̄是kan-tann取一支喙niā-niā，伊想步想路減少失業率，自本伊上任進前，有七百萬人無頭路，伊執政了後，失業率降kah beh倚0%，siāng時伊貸款鼓勵人建置家庭，tsit个成果ē-tàng uì伊執政了後德國ê生育率提升看ē出--來，甚至外國mā學伊tsit个政策；tsia-ê掠外，伊投資公共建設，親像：起水庫、舖鐵枝路、tshui-sak觀光等等，事實上，通世界頭一條高速公路，就是Hitler執政ê德國起--起-來--ê，Hitler改善人民ê生活，拚經濟，手腕是一流--ê。

Hitler mā鼓勵、促進科學ê發展，咱現此時lóng iáu teh用ê一寡產品、技術，真濟lóng是Hitler政府透過政策發展--出-來--ê，比論：一般人mā買ē起ê汽車、火箭ê ia̋n-jín，噴射飛行機ê技術等等。科學掠外，伊mā改進德國ê農業生產，tī伊執政ê時代，德國ê小麥、雞卵、肉、牛奶等等ê產量lóng增加著tsiok緊。

咱kám知影，Hitler mā真重視德國人ê健康，伊家己本底是食薰食kài大ê薰猴，結果伊改薰，koh立法tī德國ê真濟公共場所禁薰，ē-sái講是「反薰害」ê先進者，伊ê政府mā支持「食薰對健康有敗害」ê科學研究，tī伊執政ê時，就已經有論文指出食薰ē致癌--ah；歷史文獻指出，Hitler統治ê德國是hit个時代歐洲tshui-sak反對食薰規模上大、上出力ê國家；伊m̄-nā要意人民ê健康，咱koh-khah想bē到--ê，是Hitler mā是動物保護ê先進者，伊ê政府有通過hit个時代上kài嚴格ê動物保護法，mā立法管制拍獵。伊本人食菜，mā鼓勵人mài食肉，koh反對動物實驗。

Hitler mā是勞工權利ê維護者，伊改善德國ê勞動環境，透過政策要求，beh一百冬前ê德國工場m̄-nā環境得著改善，真濟koh建置員工餐廳、歇睏間kap hu-lóo間仔。

仝時，Hitler政府mā是人文藝術ê tshui展者，伊ê政府鼓勵辦音樂會kap藝術展覽，而且大大tshui-sak媒體技術ê進步，尤其是電影，因為Hitler政府ê支持，電影ê技術發展了真緊，親像彩色電影拄出世ê重要技術agfacolor，就是hiàng時發明--ê，hit-tang-tsūn開始用ê吊秤kap攝影機鐵枝路，mā是kah tann to猶原teh使用ê拍片ê手路。

頂kuân是指一寡仔例niā-niā，若beh講Hitler對德國ê付出、對世界文明kap技術ê貢獻，iáu真有thang講--leh，m̄-koh，德國kap別國，kám有khah tsiânn人--ê出來huah講：「Ài將Hitler ê功勞kap罪過hē做伙看」--ê？Mài講啥，in德國無kah一條路號做「Hitler路」，無tshāi kah一个Hitler ê烏人，mā無學校、飛行機場、建築物是用Hitler來號名--ê，是按怎？因為獨裁統治、政治迫害kap屠殺是無thang饒赦ê「反人類罪行」，tsit款人無資格要求「將功補罪」。

啊若Hitler做kah án-ne，to無法度彌補伊ê罪kuà--ah，蔣介石kap蔣經國是算啥mih跤毛？

Lán uì tsia就thang知反對tshui動「轉型正義」真正是豈有此理！Mā隨看ē出來，中國國民黨teh講ê hia-ê話有jua̋-á-nī無國際觀、jua̋-á-nī無水準--ah！

是誰替屠夫說話？

https://youtu.be/3Jv3zJTVw4s

土地公廟遐的三欉樹仔

聽錄音

大漢阿嬸講的故事。

土地公廟hia有三欉大欉樹，有人買地欲起農舍，無夠闊，倩人去剉，未曾剉，就有託夢愛伊毋通剉，大漢叔拄著伊，嘛勸伊毋好剉，甘願定金閣疊起去還--人，伊無聽喙，仝款去共樹仔剉掉，後--來，人無爽快，怹某才講隔轉工欲去掛號爾爾，早起送囡仔--出-去，轉--來彼个人已經死佇浴間仔。按呢閣毋煞，尾--仔閣一个外江人，毋知按怎嘛走去剉樹仔遐吊脰，土地公廟遐自按呢變陰，阿嬸怹就無閣去拜。

三欉樹頭挖--起-來了後，有一塊樹頭囥佇阿叔種作遐，過足久到tann都猶無爛，而且阿叔定定聽著奇怪的聲。樹仔剉--去遐嘛不時有怪聲，人講是真歹、蹔著足大聲的跤步聲，無好處理，庄--裡的佛祖講是文--的，無法度--伊，就請戴代王公去處理..... (戴代王公講是武--的。)

大漢阿嬸講細漢的故事

聽錄音

怹二姊嫁--過的所在愛經過一逝路攏刺竹穢sâ-sâ，伊定定去揣--伊，有一暗經過遐，轉--去共怹阿母講：「阿母，遐有一个人足厲害--呢，彼磚仔牆khōng一逝，頂懸遐狹，伊煞睏佇頂頭，啊攏袂摔--落-來--呢！」

怹阿母聽了，足定著共應講：「袂--啦！彼足厲害，袂跋--落-來--啦！」

過足久，大漢嬸嫁--矣，有一擺轉--去，怹阿母講：「彼逝路真bái，行--過彼竹仔會拗倒--落-來，你若共hānn--過，就共你規个tshuā--起-去。今仔日我過，有影一枝竹仔倒--落-來，我就共講："啊我曷無共你害--矣，你嘛較好心--咧，莫按呢創治--我。" 結果竹仔就徛倒--轉-去--矣。」

阿嬸就問：「按呢...我細漢看--著彼...彼是啥...」

「你講彼我早就袂記--得--矣，若有看著人倒按呢，彼就是彼毋！」

就是細漢驚伊驚，無愛共講明。

對講機廣播電台

聽錄音

阮都市倯罔倯，上無曾早就捌這个懸樓仔。做人thûn仔的時蹛佇大樓的五樓佮厝尾頂，舊大樓無流籠，毋過有對講機，按呢若送批--的抑是人客來佇樓跤，嘛較好問：「來--者何人？」就是：「咱佗位揣？」啦！

這个對講機真心適，樓頂樓跤離遐爾遠，毋過電話手攑--起-來，就會當講話，而且，伊和敲電話無仝，講電話愛lui，講對講機毋免，就是這點，囡仔耍毋驚大人來罵，都袂開著錢你！

寢開始是提對講機做mooh壁鬼，電話手攑--咧毋出聲，干焦暗靜仔聽樓跤有啥人佇遐，閣有啥人咧練閒仔話；尾仔，受著廣播電台的啟示，開始做播音員，對樓跤放送，有時仔報天氣，有時仔報新聞，有時仔學人電台的主持人話仙敲虎lān，有時仔明明無人點歌，咱嘛是將電話手掛咧phu-lé-ah放錄音帶。囡仔無耐性，講無五分鐘，毋知聽眾按怎想，聽彼爿靜tshiàu-tshiàu，就家己下班，自按呢，台北市中華路二段巷仔內的對講機廣播電台大部份時間是無節目咧放送--的。

嘛好佳哉這个播音員無頂真，無，樓跤行--過的人毋知會按怎想，凡勢感覺這个囡仔真賤，連對講機嘛好tshit-thô，凡勢會憢疑是線路相袚，會通知徛家愛叫人修理也kú-kánn。

煞有這款人

聽錄音

昨昏坐遊覽車欲轉--來，發現坐我正爿較頭前一排的彼對翁仔某真怪奇，毋是因為彼个查埔人規頭殼頭毛白siak-siak，嘛毋是彼个查某人頭鬃電甲若釋迦牟尼佛的頭一丸一丸，是in佇半路，提手機仔開youtube，開始聽中華人民共和國國家主席習進平講話！

彼个講話的都合檢采是中共的啥物大會，所擺演講真正式，閣不止仔長，啊in兩个無掛耳機仔，聲放--出-來，手機仔攑佇in兩个人的中間，聽甲耳仔覆覆，雖然in無開足大聲，毋過邊仔的人是聽有--的。一時間，我袂克根欲問：「Tann我是佇北韓--nih？！」

「In是啥人？」我心內好玄甲，敢講in心內真尊敬習進平，嘛對中華人民共和國死忠？抑是講，in是啥物特殊單位ê人，著愛隨時斟酌了解中國的官方訊息？

因為毋是家己一个去參加遊覽，顧慮較濟，終其尾我是無去問--in，總--是，咱共想看覓，欲臆in是佗一款人，kánn無遐oh--啦--honnh！

按呢，敢毋是真恐怖？

無趣味ê AAIW

Since last year, I read 10 books irrelevant to academic studies. Among them, Alice's Adventures in Wonderland is relatively boring. It always failed to lure me to go to the next page/chapter.

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舊年kah tann，看10本kap專業無關係ê冊。其中，《Alice's Adventures in Wonderland》實在無好看，無予我像讀別本冊仝款會想欲一直讀--落-去ê感覺。

聽著我講按呢，Pek-tiong兄貼一篇 the hidden math in Alice in Wonderland，問我敢無佮意內底藏ê數學？

Kā文章lió--過，知影作者大略仔是想欲透過故事，來khau洗hit當時「伊感覺無合理」ê數學新理論ê發展：「The new material Dodgson added to the Alice story for publication, she says, was a wicked satire on those new developments.」

拍算伊是有達成伊ê目的，毋過，我咧讀hia-ê故事實在無感覺有咧偌心適。

冊讀較濟本了後，才發覺gâu講故事ê人真正是gâu，in會曉用字句kā人ê心關監，予冊變做「unputdownable」，像Dickens ê 《A Tale of Two Cities》，像金庸ê《天龍八部》，講較歹聽--咧，我連讀Schopenhaur ê哲學論文，都比讀《Alice's Adventures in the Wonderland》閣較有滋味。

冊，若無就是愛好看會siânn--人，若無就是愛「言之有物」予人思考、反省、學習，《Alice's Adventures in Wonderland》 tsit兩个功能攏缺欠.....我讀ê感覺，就是「一直咧練痟話」，啊he痟話閣無咧偌奇巧偌siat-thái，情節安排嘛庸庸...

凡勢有人足佮意，有讀出別款滋味，凡勢會用得予囡仔罔讀做心適性，總--是我，本底是按算紲落去讀仝hit个作者用Alice做主角閣寫ê「looking glass」hit本--ê，tsit-má嘛無可能--ah。

世間好耍ê冊、有深度ê冊一世人都讀袂了，人講ê經典，參考就好，家己讀--過才知是有影無影。

關於「台語」、「台語文」的疑問與除魅

一、台語文的「目的」及「必要性」何在？

文化是無價之寶，而文化的根就在於語言，語言不存，文化消亡，台語做為族群文化的承載體，如果不加復振，我們將失去先人傳承至今的寶貴文化。

而眾所皆知，沒有文字的語言，存續不易，因此，讓台語成為不只可以聽與說、也可以容易讀與寫的語言，就是保存這個語言之其背後豐富文化的重要手段。

台語文推廣的目的，對我而言，就是在保存寶貴的族群語言、族群文化及歷史記憶。

當然，這還涉及一個問題：「台語所承載的文化，與華語（國語）所承載的文化，難道不一樣嗎？」

上面這個問題，就涉及傳承台語的必要性了。簡單的回覆是：台語做為漢語的一種，當然台語所承載的文化，其中有許多與其他漢語（客語、粵語、文言、華語等等）共通的部份，但，「漢文化」何其悠久及龐大，其地域之廣、分支之繁，不可能是單一的、簡單的，因此，對文化保存來說，每一種漢語都很重要，任何一種漢語的死亡，都是這個文化的一部份的死亡。

台語所承載的文化，是否有其獨特、不同於其他漢語的部份？當然有，所以身為台語的母語人，有必要讓台語存續、文化發揚。

傳承文化，並不意謂著要消滅別的文化，做為文化主流的華語文化及文言文文化，實在不必有這種莫名的危機感。我們不反對、而且支持華語文化與文言文文化的傳承，也主張這些文化的傳承不應消滅、壓抑台語文化、客語文化等其他文化。

二、對台語文的誤解

誤解一：傳承台語文是在反對傳統文化

當然不是，如前一個問題所述，傳承台語文，正是為了發揚傳統文化。台語是漢語的一種，說台語的人，也是漢人，台語有其承載的歷史、認同與文化。而台語的文化傳承與發揚，並無意於壓制或消滅其他的語言與文化。

誤解二：台語文書寫是標新立異

常有人看了國小的母語課本，看見讀不懂的課文，就認為是亂寫亂湊，純屬「標新立異」。

回答很簡單：「沒學過，怎麼看得懂呢？」這在任何一個語言、任何一種文字，都是一樣的道理呀！

比如：有一個人從來沒機會上學來學習讀寫，雖然他會說話，可是他是不可能看得懂國小的「國語課本」的。國小的「國語課本」對他來說，勢必猶如天書，上面的字句，似圖像畫，又若無意義的鬼畫符，但，這只表示他沒有學過這個語言的讀寫，並不表示課本上的東西是「標新立異」呀！

我們從小到大，在學校接受教育，都是學習華語、英語，包括華語、英語的讀寫，從來也沒有人教過我們如何讀寫台語，所以，看到台語書寫，看不懂是正常的，只因為「沒學過」而已。

有人或許要說：「難道我們就不能寫一樣的文字就好嗎？」可以呀！但那是「國語文／華語文」，不是「台語文」呀！試著一個字一個字地把「國語文／華語文」的語句或文章用台語「直接讀出來」，就會發現很卡、很不像台語，而且讀給台語人聽，一定聽不懂，為什麼？因為，雖然同屬漢語，但語言不同，書寫不可能完全相同的呀！

就好像：義大利語及西班牙語，都是羅曼語系（拉丁語系），都是古代拉丁文所演化出來的，它們有著許多共通的特徵、共同的詞彙，不過，義大利文寫出來，畢竟還是與西班牙文有所不同。

而義大利文，並不能因此就說西班牙文「標新立異」，西班牙文也不能就說義大利文「標新立異」吧！

誤解三、台語憑什麼叫「台語」？台語可以叫「台灣話」嗎？

我們都知道，台語是中國大陸的閩南及廣東（潮州等）移民帶來台灣的，事實上，現在的台語，和中國大陸及東南亞的一些閩南方言，是可以通話的，比如：廈門話、一些漳州話、一些泉州話、菲律賓的咱人話（一種泉州話）、馬來西亞的檳城福建話等等，都多多少少可以直接相互溝通。

所以，我完全贊成「台語」就是一種「閩南語」方言的事實，「閩南語」的方言很多，前面說的：廈門話、漳州話、泉州話、菲律賓的咱人話（一種泉州話）、馬來西亞的檳城福建話、新加坡福建話都是閩南語的方言。

但，這並不代表「台灣閩南語」就沒有資格稱為「台語」或「台灣話」，原因很簡單，因為「台語」本來就是台灣「最具代表性的在地語言」，而把「最具當地代表性」的地名做為語言命名，是全世界的通則，並非「台語」所獨有。

舉例來說：中國廣東的語言何其多，有壯語、有潮州話、有客語...，但偏偏「廣府話」被稱為「廣東話」，為什麼？不奇怪，因為「廣府話」是廣東「最具當地代表性的在地語言」，所以被稱為「廣東話」，這不是霸道，這只是語言命名的常見方法。

再舉例來說；法國的語言何其多，有奧克語、加羅語、瓦隆語、加泰隆尼亞語....林林總總有十幾種，但，為什麼就只有「法語」被稱為「法語」？難道「奧克語」、「加羅語」等等就不是「法國的語言」？一樣的道理，「法語」之所以被稱為「法語」，只是因為「法語」是法國「最具代表性的語言」，其他的語言，雖然也是「法國的語言」，可是畢竟不是專有名詞的「法語」呀！

如果「廣東話」可以叫「廣東話」，「法語」可以叫「法語」，沒有道理「台語／台灣話」不能叫「台語／台灣話」吧！

台灣各原住民族的語言及客語，當然是「台灣的語言」，不過，做為專有名詞的「台語」就是指「台灣閩南語」，這種命名原則，是全世界皆然的。

誤解四、台語就是河洛話

台語是不是「河洛話」？回答這個問題，牽涉到什麼是「河洛話」。有人說「河洛話」就是古代中原地區的語言，因為戰亂及遷徙，所以成為今天的閩南話；但這個說法會產生另一個問題：「中國從古到今的戰亂及遷徙，南遷的人民，並不是只有遷入福建，為什麼只有閩南話是所謂的河洛話？難道南遷到嶺南的人，他們所說的廣東話就不是河洛話嗎？江西話呢？湖南話呢？就不是河洛話嗎？」

其實，要說一個語言是不是另一個古代語言的子孫或孑遺，還是要從語言本身去找證據，如果問問歷史語言學家，他們會怎麼說呢？

首先，他們不會反對這個說法：「台語保存了很多古漢語的語音及語法特徵。」事實上，其他的漢語，比如：廣東話，也保存了很多古漢語的特徵。原因很簡單，因為南方漢語比較保守、存古，北方漢語相對與非漢語接觸得多、相互混雜，所以變化較大。基於此，要說「台語保存了很多古漢語的語音及語法特徵。」這點是沒有歷史語言學家會加以反對的。

但，「台語保存了很多古漢語的語音及語法特徵。」可不代表「台語就是河洛話」呀！

就好像，「義大利語」及「法語」保留了許多「拉丁語」的特徵，可是，「義大利語」畢竟是「義大利語」，「法語」畢竟是「法語」，它們究竟不是「拉丁語」本身。

就語言學來說，閩南語事實上是古代百越民族的語言做為底層，加上歷代漢人移民帶來的好幾個時代的漢語成份所疊加而成的，所以，台語裡頭，的確是有些古漢語特徵的遺留，但台語畢竟不是「古漢語的本身」。

誤解五、台語的根源就在古漢語，所以用來讀古代經典最是適合

在澄清了上一個議題之後，這個議題就容易說明了。台語裡頭，是有古漢語特徵的遺留，包括語音的遺留，所以，我們用台語來讀古代經典、文言文，在韻腳等方面，會發現更為適合，不過，這並不代表「台語就是古漢語文言文的現代化身」喔！

為什麼呢？因為，同樣的文言文經典，除了用台語讀，也可以用廣東話讀、用上海話讀、用客家話讀......甚至，也可以用日語漢字發音讀、用韓語漢字發音讀、用越南語漢字發音讀，也就是，只要是這個語言有「漢字發音系統」的，都可以用來讀文言文經典。同一個漢字，在閩南語、廣東話、吳語、日語、韓語、越南話....都有一個或數個發音，換句話說，能用某個語言來讀文言文經典，並不代表那個語言本身就是文言文的化身；能用某個語言來讀文言文經典，只代表那個語言有著「漢字發音系統」，如此而已！

而有著「漢字發音系統」的語言，都多多少少保留了古漢語的漢字發音，這點，也不是只有台語如此的。

三、台語有文字嗎？方言有必要用文字書寫嗎？

這兩個問題其實有個最直接的答案：「沒有任何一個語言是本來就有文字的！」

試想：人類的先祖有了語言能力，推測不晚於五萬年前，但人類開始出現文字，也才五六千年前的事，「說話」才是語言的根本，「書寫」只是後來的發明呀！

台語有文字嗎？台語本來沒有文字，就像英語在五百年前也沒有文字一樣（英語的書寫是歐洲文藝復興之後才發展的），但早在四百多年前，就已經有人試著用漢字書寫閩南語了，那時書寫的動機，是記錄戲曲劇本，最有名的閩南語戲曲文本，就是已有數百年歷史、好幾個版本的《荔鏡記》。

但台語大規模的書寫及印刷，則是十九世紀末的事，當時的西方傳教士，為了傳教及翻譯聖經，設計了一套拼音系統，一般稱為「白話字」或「教會羅馬字」，別小看這個台語書寫系統，因為這個書寫系統，被用來發行了台灣歷史上第一份報紙（1885年創刊），第一批新詩、短篇小說及好幾本中長篇小說！對，你沒看錯，這個羅馬字系統，曾經被數萬人使用，進行報刊及文學作品的創作、印刷及出版，不過，學校沒有教這些事，所以我們大多不知道這個歷史。

換句話說，台語／閩南語的文字書寫歷史，以漢字而言，已經有四百多年歷史，以羅馬字而言，也已經一百多年了，台語因此是有文字的，而且，台語有文字的歷史，甚至不輸一些歐洲的語言，甚至，台語有文字及文學作品的歷史，還比「華語／國語」還長！

看到上面那段的最後一句話，你一定不相信，但仔細想想，就知道這不是胡說。

要知道，漢文化數千年來，就是書同文，但各說各話的狀態，所謂「書同文」就是指「書面上大家都讀寫文言文」，雖然「文言文」幾千年來也有了些演變，但不管怎麼變，都仍然是一種「不同於任何漢語口語」的「書面語言」，即使有學過讀寫的人，也「只會寫文言文」，不會寫「自己從小說的語言」，基本上，書面上的溝通都以文言文進行，但各人則是說著自己的母語：可能是吳語、可能是粵語、可能是福州話、可能是江西話......，這些不同的漢語，常常彼此不能相通，也與書面上一致的文言文十分不同。

那麼，難道沒有官方的「口語」嗎？有的，但不太固定，因為皇帝會換，而皇帝的「母語」或「皇帝所在地的口語」就是「官方」的口語，也就是「官話」。

中國從明、清以來，首都都在北京，自然的，北京話就成為數百年來的「官話」。

注意了，北京話之所以做為「官話」，甚至現在變成「普通話／國語」，這並不是因為「北京話」本身很好、很正統、很高貴，這只是因為「北京話」剛好是中國近代數百年來首都（皇帝／中央政府）的當地語言，如此而已！

而一般人所稱的「方言」，也只是因為當地不是「國都」所在，所以不是「官話／國語」而已，這並不代表那個「方言」素質較差，也不代表那個「方言」沒有水準，畢竟，「首都」是人指定的，指定的時候，也不是從「語言角度」來指定的吧！

而前面說過了，一旦談到漢語書寫，自古就一律是「文言文」呀！「文言文」不同於北京話、也不同於閩南話！「文言文」就是「文言文」，一種與口語不通的書面語文（當然，文言文是可以一個漢字一個漢字讀出聲音來的，端看你用哪個語言的漢字讀音系統）。

也因此，即使是北京話／華語，原來也是沒有文字書寫系統的呀！

上面這個說法，你或許不相信！但，這就是歷史事實。中國長期以來在書面語上統一使用「文言文」，所以口語的「官話」沒有文字也是正常的，今天的「普通話／華語／國語」現代書寫模式發明，也只不過是這一百年的事！

最早期的官話口語書寫，是一些小說話本，但即使是那些所謂的「白話小說」，拿原來的文本來看，我們也是看不太懂的，所以只能說是今天華語文的前身。

今天我們書寫的華語文，其實是清末民初，透過人工制訂的新書寫系統！

為什麼？因為書寫一直以來都是「文言文」的專利呀！即使是「官話」，也是口語，當然沒有通行、好用、普及的書寫系統，所以，當然需要人工制訂呀！

證據就在歷史裡頭：還記得歷史課本裡的「白話文運動」吧！民國初年的「白話文運動」，目的就是要大家「別再寫文言文，開始寫官話口語」呀！換句話說，民國初年，哪有什麼人在「書寫官話口語／華語／普通話」呀？如此想來，「華語文」的書寫歷史還不短嗎？也才一百年上下而已吧！

當初，為了推廣「白話文書寫」，學者及政府可是絞盡腦汁，找字、造字，為什麼？因為漢字自古以來就是用來「書寫文言文」的，是「文言文專用」的！要拿來寫口語，就算是要寫「官話口語」，也是困難重重呀！常常發現這裡沒有字可寫、那裡不知道寫哪個字好！我相信，當時代，一定也有人說：「白話（華語／普通話／國語）哪有字？！白話沒有文字呀！」

這，不就是今天我們聽到反對台語文常見的說法之一嗎？

甚至，當時還有些鴻儒大家，對於「書寫官話口語（華語）」，十分不滿，認為根本是「亂來一通，標新立異」！不信？！我把他們的話引一些在下頭（下文中的「白話」，就是指今天的「普通話／華語／國語」）：

1917年2月8日，林紓在上海《民國日報》上發表《論古文之不宜廢》：「白話鄙俚淺陋，不值讀者一哂。」

1919年《新申報》上文言小說《妖夢》諷刺白話書寫：「陰間有一間白話學校，裡頭有個「毙孔堂」，堂前對聯：「禽獸真自由，要這倫常何用 / 仁義太壞事，須從根本打消」。

林紓《論古文白話的消長》：「廢古文用白話者，亦正不知所謂古文也」；「若盡廢古書，行用土語為文學……則凡京津之稗販，君可用為教授矣。」

1925年1月5日《台灣日日新報》悶葫蘆生的文章《新文學的商榷》除對白話書寫大加謾罵外，還提到：「漢文學有隨世推移、革新之要，然不敢如一二不通之白話體，即傲然自命為新文學也。臺灣之號稱白話體新文學，不過就普通漢文，加添幾個了字，及口邊加馬、加勞、加尼、加矣諸字典所無活字，此等不用亦可之，不通不文字．．．夫畫蛇添足，康衢大路不行，而欲多用了字及幾個文字．．．怪的寫得頭昏目花，手足都麻，呼吸困難也。今之中華民國新文學，不過創自陳獨秀、胡適之等，陳為輕薄無行思想危險之人物，姑從別論。胡適之之所提倡，則不過僅用商榷的文字，與舊文學家輩虛心探討，不似吾台一二青年之亂罵，蓋胡適之對於舊文學家，全無殺父之仇也。日本文學雖則革新，然至於鄭重文字若詔敕等，亦多用漢籍故典，不知今之時髦知之否！」

1925年8月5日《台南新報》8432號刊出陳福全（號笑仙）的《白話文適用於臺灣否？》：「臺灣之謂白話者，則於文句中插入拉尼馬兒阿約愛甚麼罷了矣的很等，觀之不能成文，讀之不能成聲。」

1925年1月《臺灣日日新報》出現辱駡白話文提倡者張我軍的打油詩：「咆哮人群，亂吠如狗狂。」

比之今日反對、謾罵台語文書寫的言論，華語文書寫在不到一百年前所受到的羞辱，一點也不少吧！

但我們今天卻以為「華語文／國語文／普通話書寫」是「理所當然」的、是「有悠久歷史傳統」的！錯了！我們只是因為習慣了！因為有政府的大力推動，才使得不到百年歷史的華語文書寫變得可行、變得理所當然。

如果我們有半點認為當初反對「白話文運動」的人迂腐、反動，那麼，現在反對明明有著比「華語文／國語文」更為悠久文字歷史的「台語文」，不會顯得自己道理不通嗎？

還是，我們真的認為，一樣是文字由無到有，一樣是口語歷史悠久：「華語文／國語文」是政府用政治及教育手段制訂、推動的就比較有道理？而我們自己的「父母話」就比較低賤？

不管是什麼語言，一開始都沒有文字可寫；不管是什麼語言，想要書寫就可以創制文字書寫。這，就是語言文字的通則呀！

四、語言、文化與政治

說了這麼多，可能有人會說：「不管怎麼樣，我還是無法支持傳承母語，無法支持母語書寫。因為，這會造成國家社會的混亂。」

會這麼說的人，其實只要看看其他國家，這種不必要的擔憂就可以消解大半了。

今天的世界，國界與語言文化的分界，早已不再重合了。

同樣是盎格魯.撒克遜人，有的是英國人，有的是美國人，有的是澳洲人，有的是紐西蘭人。

在瑞士一國之內，有法、德、義、羅曼斯語，同時做為官方語言。其他的例子，如：澳洲以英語及毛利語同時做為官方語言，印度各邦有不同的官方語言，加拿大同時有英、法不同語言區等等。

今天的國家，是生活與制度的共同體，而保障國境內不同族群、文化及語言的發展與生存，是政府的義務，這也是聯合國公佈「文化多樣性宣言」、「世界語言權利宣言」、制訂「文化多樣性公約」與「世界母語日」的原因。

一個國家，有多元的語言、文化及族群，是正常的，也是美麗的！

反而是，如果要重新按照語言、族群訂定國界，那這世界將陷於何等的戰亂兵燹之中？

也因此，認同什麼文化、使用什麼語言，與做為哪個國家的國民，並不必然有直接的關連。

身為一個國家的國民，重要的是透過言論、參與選舉來監督政府施政。我們當然知道，政治人物都是人，都有缺點，所以不可能寄望他們完全正直，又做出什麼英明、高超的決策，但，如果我們因為政治人物的不完美，就放棄監督、不再要求也不參與投票，那等於是「放著讓它爛」，這個結果，就是整個國家社會更糟、更惡，最後影響到自己的身上來。

我們愛護、傳承自己的語言文化，也在身處的國家當中，鞭策、督促政府，透過制度變革、政策推動，讓社會更進步，人民生活更好，而這當中就包括了每個人的文化、語言與認同，都能受到保障，不會遭到歧視。